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MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/22 · Unidad documental simple · 13-15, 18, 20 July 1921
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead [First page is missing]

Brief Summary
Exploring and taking photographs with Bullock. Outlines plans for reconnaisance which he anticipated would take a week to day days but had been hampered by a shortage of rations and the weather which was crucial for the success of the expedition. Hoped to ascend a high peak of 23,000ft. They planned to start final campaign by mid August and be returning to Darjeeling by mid September. A route to the west was impassible so they abandoned it and made plans to explore to the east.

Detailed Summary
14 July - He and Bullock started late (6am) to explore the glacier to the west and southwest and after a fine morning he had stayed to take photographs. Refers to a hand drawn map [possibly on the missing first page]. He got one or two good photographs while Bullock looked along a glacier for a south west pass into Nepal.

15 July - He started early (2.30am) and got up the small peak by 5.30am. The clear dawn and the mountain views were indescribably wonderful. Everest itself blocked out all sun and the cwm remained a cold dark hollow behind the brightly lit snows. He took photos all round. They knew about the shape and position of the cwm but it remained to be explored. They didn't know how it ran up the col between Everest and the peak to the south. They would have to get into it and some way up it. They planned to force a way over the col and down into the cwm, taking Mummery tents. Arrangements had gone wrong and they were short of rations. There were no hopes of the weather tomorrow - it was too warm; the snow didn't lie.

18 July - The right weather was essential foor the success of the expedition. Complains of idle days. He anticipated a desolating experience in the Mummery tents. They aimed to finish the reconnaissance of the west side of the mountain which was very unlikely to offer a possibility of ascent. Then they would concentrate on the north-west aretes. He estimated a week or ten day’s reconnaissance and the ascent of a high peak (over 23,000 ft) which he was very keen to accomplish. Made plans to move down to the new Headquarters and hoped to start on a final campaign by the middle of August. He planned to have failed or succeeded by the middle of September at the latest, and then head to Darjeeling. Plans subject to the weather. .

20 July - They failed to get into the great cwm because it is unapproachable. This finished their reconnaissance on the west side. He must get down to Base Camp that day. He was organising an expedition to the east which ought to be very interesting. Howard-Bury would be moving on 24 July to join his new Base Camp in a valley to the east.

MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/24 · Unidad documental simple · 9 August 1921
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead

Brief Summary
Describes his and Bullock's reconnaisance. Initial misunderstanding about he two Chomolingas. Describes troubles with rations, taking photographs and the landscape and flowers.

Detailed Summary
There would be reports in The Times about the expedition which had been extraordinarily exciting and interesting in the last week. Their idea was to follow a great valley north of Everest where they saw the pass of their desire between Everest and the first peak to the North, but after three days travelling in the clouds they found they were cut off from the north col by an impassable barrier. They were disappointed. They were retracing their steps and this misadventure was part of the reconnaissance.

Describes their first day’s march, getting rations at a village, and being told by locals that the way to Chomolungma [Tibetan name for Everest] was to the left but they soon made disconcerting observations that they were not going the correct way. On the second days march they went up 4,000 ft seeing lovely flowers, two pretty lakes and grazing ground for yaks.

Then headed south west but from Kharta their direction should have been due west. Their local guide told them there were two Chomolungas, they guessed the other was Makalu. Explained they wanted to go to the one which was to the right. On the following morning's march there was a steep valley bed, a stream, a rickety bridge, lovely meadows, the end of a glacier, and a steep hillside running up to a tremendous cliff. They were following a valley from Makalu to Everest.

Reports on rain, Tibetan tents, and feeling baffled as they wanted to be to the north of the east or north east ridge. There was another valley running east and west ending in the col between Everest and the North Peak.

They saw the great east face of Everest and assessed that all the lower slopes were impossible from a climber’s point of view. Describes the east ridge and landscape. The following day they pushed on toward an advance camp to about 18,000 ft in poor weather.

Woke on 7 August to a cloudless starry sky. Describes the colours of the mountains. The whole range of peaks far exceeded any mountain scenery that he ever saw before.

He waited to take photos at sunrise and if they didn't come out well he would cry. Their objective was to get up a pass and a big glacier that blocked their view to the north col. Had a hurried breakfast, took more photographs and pushed toward the third peak from the east ridge of Everest.

They could see clearly that Everest joined other peaks and wanted to see more. Bullock thought the next section would prove impossible and it was stiff work. Whilst the party lay down and slept he took photographs and examined the north peak. As the desired view was still hidden he took two volunteers to the top with him. It was only a matter of 500 ft, but the snow was very deep and lying at a terribly steep angle and they had a struggle. They got to the summit of that peak and he could see a high snow cwm under the north east face of Everest. The next objective was to find the outlet.

The next day’s march would take them through an undiscovered country. For the first time he was not feeling perfectly well. The glands of his throat and most of the muscles were affected but that could be nothing to do with the exertions of climbing.

There had been trouble about the porters' rations. Wollaston and Morshead were at Kharta and Wheeler was not expected for another fortnight. Describes the flowers he had recently seen and thought they might be a new discovery. Was disappointed when Howard-Bury told him Wollaston had made an earlier discovery.

Was sorry he couldn't share his photographs with her. The bad ones were hardly worth sending and Howard-Bury had sent some photos home to the Royal Geographical Society. Suggests she find a way of seeing them there.

MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/25 · Unidad documental simple · 11-18 August 1921
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead [two pages missing]

Brief Summary
Had been feeling weak with a sore throat and Bullock had continued to search for the valley without him. Morshead had joined him in camp after Bullock had left. Bullock sent message that he was on wrong track. Next day feeling better so he and Morshead set out to join up with Bullock. Continued their search for a route taking photographs on the way. Had to send back to base camp for more rations but there was a shortage.

Detailed Summary

[Letter starts on page ‘3’] - Three days march to a new mountain base camp. [Aug 11 written in the margin]. Hoped he was feeling fitter as he had been feeling abdominally weak and had a sore throat.

13 August [written in the margin] - Bullock had gone on alone to find the valley. It was a depressing moment after all his work to reconnoitre Everest as it seemed like he would miss the climax. He was sorry he had to hand over the responsibility of deciding the line of assault. On the same morning that Bullock left, the surprise arrival of Morshead brought companionship. That evening he had received a chit from Bullock saying that the valley he was following ended too soon in a high pass. He was on the wrong track.

14 August - He was feeling stronger and went with Morshead to follow Bullock up the valley. They were lucky with the weather and were able to see both Everest and the North Peak. The topography was difficult to make out but there was a continuous way from the valley to the high snow col which they had seen the other day from their peak (21,500 ft) and it was possible to advance. He thought this was the right way to Everest.

15 August - They trekked through the valley with their lighter tents and met Bullock’s party at the valley junction. Due to bad weather they could see nothing of what lay in front of them and came to a stop short of the point he had wanted to reach. Snow was falling and there was cloud cover.

16 August [written in the margin] - They had proceeded up a stony hillside to the ridge above them for a better view. They followed the ridge to a summit of 20,500 ft or 1,700 ft above their camp. There was a splendid view point from where they could see where they should go. They had paused for nearly an hour taking photos in all directions. He describes their decent nearly a thousand feet and of crossing a crevasse. They had been in clouds for two hours and could see nothing. He was feeling far from well with a headache and he was inclined to go no further which was shared by the rest of the party. He went down the glacier and completed a valuable piece of reconnaissance by finding the shortest way back to camp. They had a late night. Rations had to be summoned from base camp. Two sahibs and three porters with two days supplies were sent to reach their snow col and look over into the cwm of the N.W. of Everest to see the glacier running down northward and follow it wherever it might go and thus solve the mystery of its exit.

17 August - The porters returned from the base camp and told them there were no rations there. He suspected some trickery on Gyalzen’s part. They established a higher camp on a shelf under an ice cliff (19,900 ft). Snow continued into the evening. The porters returned from base camp before dark with barely a day’s supplies and so they had to abandon their plans of going down the unknown glacier. Morshead’s men were able to spare enough food for one porter, so they took young Nimya [Nyima] Sherpa and sent the others back down.

18 August - Made preparations for an early start but were held up by Morehead’s cook. They wore their snowshoes to cross a glacier by the last of the moonlight and despite the lingering mist they could see the peaks and steer on a solid mountain side. After dawn it was difficult to see and impossible to make out the snow surfaces and the ascents and descents were equally unexpected. Crevasses forced them to the right until they were confronted by the icefall and had to climb rocks covered with 2 or 3 inches of snow and cold to the fingers but not difficult to climb. While they breakfasted the mist thickened and they went on about 9.20 am with Bullock leading. The heat returned like a furnace. He had been able to maintain an even rhythm even on the steeper parts by exhaling and inhaling once for each step but now he had to proceed rather differently. Describes how he paced himself with his breathing on the steeper slopes and the difficulty of walking in snowshoes, once causing him to ‘capsize completely’. They reached the col and he describes what he could see through the mist.

[Letter ends, no sign off].

MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/30 · Unidad documental simple · 15-17 September 1921
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead

Brief Summary
Responds to news in her letters. They had been in the same camp for two weeks. He had spent some of the time at the advanced camp climbing with Bullock. Snow had put an end to their climbs and Howard-Bury had ordered them to leave camp and return to the lower one. Bullock carried a pink umbrella on the marches. Didn't think much of Howard-Bury's official accounts of their climbs. Describes other members of the party and their physical fitmess. Was still hoping to attempt to summit but it would depend on the weather.

Detailed Summary
They had received two mail deliveries and everyone in camp spent a long time silently reading their letters. He responds to news in her letter mentioning Bob Morgan, photos of the children, the Keynes, O’Malley, the Fletchers, the Brocks, the Trews [?], and thanks her for being very diligent about circulating his news. He feared his letters had been very dull but had been writing partly for himself as a record which he otherwise wouldn't have made.

He had received a letter from Avie and David who had both enjoyed their visits to Ruth and he had enjoyed hearing about her from them. He had also heard from his mother and father who were very happy after visiting her. His father seemed to be greatly impressed by John [their son]. Mentions Miss Walround, Edith Stopford, the Reads, and that it was nice to hear that Geoffrey Young was anxious to hear his news. Was delighted by photos of the children. Asks in detail about the state of the garden, her upcoming plans, and whether she is going to Westbrook [Ruth's father’s house].

They were still in the same place as over a fortnight ago. Describes working on the upper camp (1st Advanced at 20,000 ft) with supplies, attempting to stay up there, trekking with Bullock and of pitching a tent in the usual snowstorm. Describes the fine granular snow of high altitudes. After a good night’s sleep he had woken to see the roof of his tent hanging inwards and a white world outside and conditions for climbing were entirely hopeless.

He had a Kodak camera to take snapshots of the porters and their snow-bound camp and a quarter-plate to take photos of the mountains. Spent the morning sitting on a rock taking six photographs before a porter arrived bearing a chit from Howard-Bury who had nothing more to say than to urge the obvious. After a debate with Bullock they had packed up the tents, covered the stores and prepared to go down to Howard-Bury’s camp. Bullock had a pink umbrella which he invariably carried on the march.

He had told her little of the movements of the others as he trusted she would have been informed by Howard-Bury’s articles. These were not very informative and he wasn't impressed by them.

They were all together for the first time since Kampa Dzong. Raeburn on his arrival was almost a broken and heart-breaking figure, and when Howard-Bury and Wollaston arrived on 6 September they sketched over some difficulties about stores and had settled down quite amicably. Wollaston was a rather solitary bird who was always jolly and friendly to talk with, but he had the impression that he was more tired of the expedition than the rest of them.

He was happy but thought the month was too late already for their great venture and they would have to face great cold. Feared his hopes and plans for seeing something of India on the way back wouldn't be possible.

The interest remained for him and he felt that when they returned to Darjeeling he wouldn’t leave without regret. He’d like to undertake a few other ascents, less ambitious but perhaps more delightful. He was looking forward to seeing her again.

Wheeler had been taking photographs and Morshead had been keeping him company. There was a shortage of tents due to Raeburn’s unexpected arrival, so Morshead had slept in the tent with Bullock and himself [Mallory]. It was a disorderly but happy arrangement. Wheeler came in to eat with them while the rest had their meals round a table in a pukka mess tent. There was plenty of talk and good cheer but he still thought Wheeler was not a fit man. He Morshead and Bullock made a good trio. Heron had arrived yesterday as cheerful and good natured as ever and he promised him a bit of rock from the summit of Everest.

17 September [letter continues] - the weather had changed and they had woken to find the sky clear and remaining clear. The day before he had enjoyed a good walk with Morshead and Bullock and were rewarded with a beautiful view of Everest. That day he, Morshead and Howard-Bury had ascended a snow peak on the boundary ridge and seen a glorious view. He could see Kangchenjunga [third highest mountain in the world] and all the higher mountains to the East. Makalu straight opposite across the valley was gigantic and Everest at the head of the valley was very fine too. The snow was not melting as it should; above 20,000 ft or so it was powdery under a thin crust and it was impossible to get along without snowshoes, and fears they’ll have to pack up at once if the snow didn't melt properly on the glacier. Morshead was going badly and he [Mallory] was feeling the height a good deal. Altogether his hopes were about zero.

He had been thinking about the children and asked her to kiss them and show them the lozenges below [see drawings at the bottom of the letter] which were meant for special birthday kisses. Tomorrow they were going up again so he was busy.

MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/31 · Unidad documental simple · 29 September 1921
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead

Writes in the midst of packing and arrangements. He was disappointed that the end was so much tamer than he had hoped.

He carried the whole party on his shoulders to the end and they were turned back by a wind in which no man could live for an hour. He had plenty of reserve and could have carried on another 2,000 ft with ease had the conditions been favourable. They had established the way to the summit for anyone who cared to try the highest adventure and he didn't much regret having failed to beat the record as they could have done easily enough had fortune favoured them.

He and Bullock planned to tavel together to Lachen, in Sikkim, where Bullock hoped to meet his wife. He would then travel on to Darjeeling alone and expected to be there about the 20th.

MCPP/GM/3/1/1924/1 · Unidad documental simple · 3 March 1924
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, onboard the R.M.S. California en-route to Bombay

Full Transcript

My dearest Ruth,

The first breath of warm air has come this morning, delicious fragrant, spring-like air, one can sit about happily without wearing a coat. I won’t say bask in the sun, for it’s not yet like that – but perhaps it will be hot in the sun when it comes to high noon – and at all events it’s nice to sit in now.

I have a feeling of pleasant prospects about this voyage altogether. The ship is overstocked with passengers at present; but ¾ of them get off at Port Said – they belong to some scheme of an organised tour in Egypt. The remaining ¼ so far as I can see will contain a large proportion of soldiers and their wives, evidently some nice people among them. I find myself almost training my ears to catch the various accents and phrases in the fragments of speech as folk pass, so little will serve for an indication; but chiefly of course the looks of people; and one of the most important reasons you should be here with me is for discussing their looks in the stage before acquaintance.

At table Irvine and I sit side by side (Hazard-Beetham at another table), next to me at the head of the table is a gentlemanly looking Colonel with whom I don’t expect to converse in any very interesting {1} and opposite are a youngish army doctor and his wife, good, enterprising, hard sort of people – hard I mean in the good sense - she is Canadian by birth and doesn’t greatly love Canadians which is a mercy.

Mr Jolly’s friends, the Lennoxes (you’ll remember he’s in the Indian Survey) seem pleasant people too. Anyway here we all are learning each other’s languages, a process which may have gone some useful distance by the time we reach Bombay; and then we shall go our separate ways and I shall never see any of this group again.

We’re going down the coast of Spain at this moment, out of sight of land, though I dare say one could see it from the mast. Passed Finisterre after dinner last night and presumably will turn in past Cape St. Vincent this evening. Do you realise how much the Western edge of Europe slopes away – we have had our clocks put back 49 minutes each of these last two nights, a proceeding I greatly prefer to the other one which will begin tomorrow, after we leave Gib[raltar]. We’ve not to land at Gib[raltar] I hear – rather sad; but we stop to receive and despatch mail and should be near enough to see the best of it.

How are you feeling you poor left behind one? I was glad you decided to abandon waiving on Friday – we weren’t off till 8.30 or thereabouts as the two tugs provided were hopelessly beaten by the wind and couldn’t get us off. It was a wild night that first one; and yesterday in the Bay was wild too, with wind and rain in plenty scudding across the waste of steel-grey white capped waters – a day for staying indoors mostly – with some study of Hindustani, some reading, some writing of letters, a long, long game of Dab it Down with Hazard, and a modicum of exercise in the gymnasium.

Currently I had the impression at first of Hazard that he was going to be tiresome – was bursting with information about the tittle tattle of travel, how many knots the ship will travel per hour and whether one should wear a topie {2} in the Mediterranean and so on; however, since then he seems to have become a nice and reasonable being perhaps he was a little over excited at beginning the journey. Beetham I’m inclined to think is a gem; good humoured and unselfish and a sort of natural butt, one doesn’t quite know why. I expect he’ll be very useful altogether. And so no doubt will Irvine – sensible and not highly strung he’ll be one to depend on, for everything perhaps except conversation.

Since I began writing all the larvae lurking below in bunks or in corners of lounges and smoking rooms have come forth into a new butterfly life on board, and most have seem to be seeking the sun in or near my particular chosen spot; and now are gathering in a cloud to spy out the visible land, a rocky island and a headland beyond which turns out to be {3}

My books so far have been chiefly Andre Maurois’ Life of Shelly or Ariel as he titles it, and Arksarkoff’s Fears of Childhood. Though much of it is psychologically interesting I’m a bit disappointed with Arksakoff – those uncles for instance don’t quite come alive. However I shall proceed. Ariel is a remarkable book, more serious than his others and bringing out very much all the love affairs and the strange mix up with Harriet and Eliza and the rest. I’m not scholar enough to know how much of it is new, but I feel that it presents a story in a fresh way without adding anything about the man, Shelley.

I’ve not yet begun to read any history books nor to write the little article I have to do for Blackie & Son - 3000 words will not take me long and I shan’t worry about it. I’m more concerned at present to write letters – there seems to be a large number of people I want to write to which suggest that one only doesn’t so want in the ordinary way of life because time is short. But here’s the chance to repair so much that’s let go in the ordinary way. I’m immensely enjoying the thought of this clear space of time ahead.

It is horrid dearest one to think that I am to get no letter from you until Darjeeling and perhaps not even there. We shall lose no time – arrive Bombay the 19th, Darjeeling the 22nd and leave D. somewhere about 29th presumably.

Dear love I shall be thinking of you often and often. We have been very close together lately I think and I feel very close to you now. You are going to be outwardly cheerful I know and I hope you will also be inwardly happy while I am away.

I love you always. Dear one.
Ever you loving, George

MCPP/GM/3/1/1924/7 · Unidad documental simple · 2 April 1924
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter from George Mallory to Ruth from Yatung

Full Transcript

My dearest Ruth,

It seems I ought to get off a letter to you tomorrow morning in order to be certain of catching the mail. I don’t know that I have a very great deal to tell you. The great thing is that I have had your second letter & those from Clare & Berry. Dearest one I think it wonderful of you to settle down & be cheerful & enterprising and sociable. It must be difficult I know to start in with Cambridge life by yourself. You evidently managed to let Frances see something of life & she must have enjoyed herself; she kindly wrote me a note by this mail too. I am glad also to hear that Mr Blunt has not deserted as I rather feared he had done. It was good of him really to stay away when he felt that he couldn’t do much in the garden. I am sorry you have had such a cold March. I expect you will be very glad to enjoy some spring weather away from Cambridge.

All goes well with me. The march from Sedongchen to Gnathong [Gnatong] was glorious, Kanchenjunga & his neighbour appearing magnificently; I haven’t seen any distant mountain view before from this part & we counted ourselves very lucky. Gnathong [Gnatong] (12,500 ft) was not so cold this time, though the veranda was bunged up with snow, & from their [there] we made two easy stages here, stopping the night in a little rest house an hour down this side of Jelap La. Norton & I walked up to the pass (14,500 ft) together & were pleased to think that we felt fitter than last year. I certainly am feeling very fit now. I sleep long & well & can walk as fast as anyone.

We have had a few good signs of Spring – on the Sikkim side a most lovely little primula flourishing from 9,000 to 11,000 ft, with the habit of our English primrose only somewhat smaller & neater, and of a delicious crimson colour; and Rhododendron Falconeri, a big bright red fellow was flowering freely a bit lower. On this side we have another primula, denticulata, paler in colour & of the polyanthus type, very freely scattered over the meadows; & we have our old friend Daphne, I know not what species. The conifers too in this valley are all showing green.

It has been a wonderfully pleasant journey so far, with bright sun & pleasant conditions altogether. And it has been a very jolly company. We found the first contingent here no less happy than ourselves. The General (entrenous) has not been quite well & has stayed here today while Norton takes on the first party. The slack day here has been very pleasant. I have had a long ramble with Irvine.

I shall wish you Good Night & send this off brief as it is. Remember me to all my friends – but I forget you won’t be seeing them at present. I wonder where this letter will find you. It should reach you near about the 1st of May. Perhaps you have forgotten the significance of that date - will you think of me very specially on May 1 & may it be as good a day as it was in 1914.
Please thank Clare & Berry very much for their letters which I much enjoyed; & I liked the cards with flower pictures. It will be sometime yet before John can write me letters!

Now farewell dearest love. I waive you many kisses & see you smiling & happy & resolved so to be even during the month of May.

Ever your loving George.

I address this to Westbrook as I should like it to find you there & if you are with them will you please give my love to father Hugh & Marjorie; & in case you meet them remember me to Allen & Scott & the Fletchers. I shall be writing to Evelyn I hope. I am sorry for what you say about Alan, but a very young man’s view is generally exaggerated. I wish myself that A. would look tidier; I don’t know that it matters about his working provided he uses his mind somehow as he clearly does. My love to him when you see him.

MCPP/GM/3/1/1924/11 · Unidad documental simple · 17 April 1924
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory from Tinkye Dzong

Full transcript

Darling Ruth,

This is only a hurried line at the end of a full day - to tell you (1) that my tummy is in perfect order again, & I feel as fit as possible. It was a funny go altogether & quite inexplicable. Naturally there was a small appendicitis scare as the tenderness was on the right side, but Somervell was practically sure from the start that I was free from that.

(2) Beetham came on with us. It was Somervell’s decision on the very morning of leaving Kampa Dzong – that is to say S [Somervell] had to decide that B [Beetham] would get better; & no doubt he is right. But it is one thing to have no more dysentry & another to get really fit again after all that when living at this altitude. At present B [Beetham] looks years older in much the same way as Raeburn did in ’21, only at a younger stage & has quite lost all kick & there was no one more energetic earier. Still he may be a useful reserve climber in the end.

(3) I’ve had a brain wave – no other word will describe the process by which I arrived at another plan for climbing the mountains;-
(a) A. & B. with 15 porters (about) starting from IV (North Col) establish V building emplacements for 4 tents at about 25,500 & descend.
(b) C. & D. gassless party go to V with another 15 porters of whom 7 carry loads & descend, the other 8 group without loads practically speaking & sleep.
(c) C. & D. proceed to establish a camp VII at 27,300 (about) with these 8 porters carrying up 6 loads.
(d) E. & F. gas party on the same day as (c) start wthh 10 porters (about) from IV, go without loads to V & from that point E. & F. using oxygen they take on the stores & gas previously dumped at V about 1,000ft higher to VI at 26,500.
(e) Then the two parties start next morning & presumably meet on the summit.

You will readily perceive the chief merits of this plan; - the mutual support which the two parties can give each other; the establishment of camps without waste of reserve climbers (A. & B. will not have done so much that they can’t recover); the much better chance this way of establishing VI without collapse of porters. And then if this go fails we shall be in the best possible position to decide how the next attempt should be made; four climbers we hope will be available & the camps either way will be all ready.

This plan has such great advantages over all others that Norton has taken it up at once & this evening we had another pow wow & everyone has cordially approved. I’m much pleased about this as you may imagine - if only for this it seems worth while to have come; for Norton’s plan was fundamentally unsound I’m sure & might have had very bad results; & in this one there is much greater safety. It is impossible yet to say who the parties will be. N [Norton] & I have talked about it; he thinks Somervell & I should lead each one of these two parties; he puts himself in my hands as to whether he should be one of them – isn’t that generous? We shall have to judge as best we can of people’s fitness when we reach the Base Camp. Odell has not been showing up well; but either he or Irvine must be of the gas party.

We have stayed one day here for transport, as against 3 last year when Longstaff was ill; & we hope only to stay one day at Shekar, & so we should be two or three days up at the Base Camp.

No mail yet – one should have arrived today.
Much love to you.

Ever your loving, George

I didn’t tell you that I bought a pony at Kampa Dzong, a very good animal, though too thin.

MCPP/GM/3/1/1924/14 · Unidad documental simple · 11-16 May 1924
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory from No. II Camp, Everest

Full Transcript

My dearest girl,

It was a great joy last night to get a letter from you dated March 22 – you may imagine how short of news I have been. I was particularly glad to learn that you have practically completed the sale of the Holt – I have been so much afraid that you would have anxiety about that. I also had delightful letters from Clare and Beridge – how Clare is growing up! I was much touched by B’s interest in my ship and much interested by her weeping over the story of Joseph – that doesn’t surprise me about her at all. Curiously enough I was wondering only a day or two back how much of O.T. [Old Testament] stories they were hearing and in particular whether they knew the story of Joseph’s dream.

Now I must give you a brief record of the days that have passed since leaving the B.C. It has been a very trying time with everything against us. The porters have seemed from the start short of acclimatisation and up against it.

May 3 Irvine, Odell, Hazard and self to Camp I

Half the porters lagged badly. Having added a good deal of stuff on their own account to what we had given them to carry they had big loads. I decided to leave 5 loads not urgently required at I and have five men to carry all the porters blankets etc.

May 4 The N.C.O. (Ghurkha) at I was very incompetent in getting these things distributed. However the result was good and the men must have gone well. Irvine and I had gone on ahead and reached II at about 12.30; we had hardly finished a leisurely tiffin when the first porters arrived. Camp II looked extraordinarily uninviting although already inhabited by an N.C.O. and 2 others in charge of the stores (150 loads or so) which had already been carried up by Tibetans. A low irregular wall surrounded a rough compound, which I was informed was the place for the sahibs tents, and another already covered by the fly of a Whymper tent was the home of the N.C.O. The sahibs compound was soon put sufficiently in order, two Whymper tents were pitched there for the four of us while a wonderful brown tent of Noel’s was pitched for him. No tents were provided here for porters the intention was to build comfortable huts or ‘sangars’ as we call them using the Whymper fly’s for roof, but no sangars had yet been built and accomodation for 23 men is not so easily provided in this way. However I soon saw that the ground would allow us to economise walls & Irvine and I with 3 or 4 men began building oblong sangar, the breadth only about 7ft; other men joined in after resting. It is an extraordinary thing to watch the conversion of men from listlessness to some spirit of enterprise; a very little thing will turn the scale; on this occasion the moving of a huge stone to form one corner started the men’s interest and later we sang! And so these rather tired children were persuaded to do something for their comfort – without persuasion they would have done nothing to make life tolerable. Towards 3.0 pm Odell and I (Irvine seemed tired after prodigious building efforts) went on to reconnoitre next day’s march over the glacier. We began by going along the stones of the true left bank, the way of 1922, but the going was very bad, much more broken than before. To our left on the glacier we could see the stones of a moraine appearing among the great ice pinnacles. We gained this by some amusing climbing retraced our steps a little way along it towards Camp II and then on the far side reached a hump from which the whole glacier could be seen rising to the south; from a point quite near us it was obvious that there could be no serious obstacle and that point we saw could be gained in a simple way: it only remained therefore to make a good connection with Camp II. We followed easily down the moraine, which is a stony trough between high fantastic ice pinnacles and a beautiful place and just as were nearing camp found a simple way through the pinnacles – so in an hour and a half the first and most difficult part of the way from II to III had been established.

4th to 5th An appalling night, very cold, considerable snow fall and a violent wind.

5th Result – signs of life in camp – the first audible ones in camps up to and including II are the blowing of a yak dung fire with Tibetan bellows – on the 5th these signs were very late.

The men too were an extraordinarily long time getting their food this morning. The N.C.O. seemed unable to get a move on and generally speaking an oriental inertia was in the air. It was with difficulty in fact that the men could be got out of their tents and then we had further difficulty about loads; one man, a regular old soldier, having possessed himself of a conveniently light load refused to take a heavier one which I wanted taken instead; I had to make a great show of threatening him with my fist in his face before he would comply and so with much argument about it and about, as to what should be left behind as to coolie rations and blankets and cooking pots and the degree of illness of 3 reporting sick we didn’t get fairly under way until 11 am. Now making a new track is always a long affair compared with following an old one – and on this occasion snow had fallen in the night. The glacier which had looked innocent enough the evening before was far from innocent now. The wind had blown the higher surfaces clear, the days I suppose had been too cold for melting and these surfaces were hard, smooth, rounded ice, almost as hard as glass and with never a trace of roughness, and between the projecting humps lay the new powdery snow. The result of these conditions was much expenditure of labour either in making steps in the snow or cutting them in ice and we reached a place known as the trough – a broad broken trough in the ice 50 ft deep about 1/3 of the way up knowing we should have all we could do to reach Camp III. Accordingly we roped up all the men in 3 parties; this of course was a mere device to get the men along as there isn’t a crevasse in the glacier until rounding the corner to III. We followed along in the trough for some way a lovely warm place, and then came out of it onto the open glacier where the wind was blowing up the snow maliciously. The wind luckily was at our backs until we rounded the corner of the North Peak – and then we caught it, blowing straight at us from the North Col. As the porters were now nearly exhausted and feeling the altitude badly our progress was a bitter experience. I was acting as lone horse finding the best way and consequently arrived first in camp. It was a queer sensation reviving memories of that scene, with the dud oxygen cylinders piled against the cairn which was built to commemorate the seven porters killed two years ago. The whole place had changed less than I could have believed possible, seeing that the glacier is everywhere beneath the stones. My boots were frozen hard on my feet and I knew we could to do nothing now to make a comfortable camp. I showed the porters where to pitch their tents at 6.0 pm; got hold of a rucksack containing 4 china cookers, dished out 3 and meta for their cooking to the porters and 1 to our own cook: then we pitched our own two Meade tents with doors facing about a yard apart for sociability. The porters seemed to me very much done up and considering how cold it was even at 6.0 am I was a good deal depressed by the situation. Personally I got warm easily enough; our wonderful Kami produced some sort of a hot meal and I lay comfortably in my sleeping bag. The one thing I could think of for the porters was the high altitude sleeping sacks (intended for IV and upwards) now at II and which I had not ordered to come on next day with the second party of porters (two parties A and B each of 20 had been formed for these purposes and B were a day behind us). The only plan was to make an early start next morning and get to II in time to forestall the departure of B party, I remember making this resolve in the middle of the night and getting up to pull my boots inside the tent from under the door; I put them inside the outer covering of my fleabag and near the middle of my body - but of course they remained frozen hard and I had a tussle to get them on in the morning. Luckily the sun strikes our tents early – 6.30 a.m. or little later at III and I was able to get off about 7.0. I left directions that half the men or as many less as possible should come ¼ of the way down and meet the men coming up so as to get the most important loads to III. I guessed that B party after a cold night would not start before 9.0 am and as I was anxious to find, if possible, a better way over the glacier I wasted some time in investigations and made an unsatisfactory new route, so that it was after 8.30 when I emerged from the trough; and a little further on I saw B party coming up. It was too late to turn them back. I found that they had some of them resolved that they would not be able to go to III and get back to II the same day and consequently increased their loads with blankets etc determining to sleep at III. This was the last thing I wanted. My chief idea at the moment was to get useful work out of B party without risking their morale or condition as I saw we were risking that of A. So after despatching a note to Noel at II I conducted B party slowly up the glacier. After making a convenient dump and sending down B party I got back to Camp III early afternoon, some what done and going very slowly at the last from want of food. In camp nothing doing. All porters said to be sick and none fit to carry a load. Irvine and Odell volunteered to go down to the dump and get up one or two things specially wanted – e.g. Primus stoves, which was done. The sun had left the camp sometime before they returned. A very little wall building was done this day notably round the N.C.O.’s tent otherwise nothing to improve matters. The temperature at p.m. (we hadn’t thermometers the previous night) was observed to be 2° F – 30 ° of frost an hour before sunset –; under these conditions it is only during the sunny windless hours that anything to speak of can be done; this day there were such hours but I gathered that sahibs as well as porters were suffering from altitude lassitude.

May 7 The night had been very cold -21 ½ ° i.e. 53 °of frost. Personally I had slept beautifully warmly and yet was not well in the morning. Odell and Irvine also seemed distinctly unfit. I decided to send Hazard down with some of A party to meet at the dump and bring up 10 of B (it had been arranged that this party were to come up again). Investigations again showed that no porters were fit to carry loads; several were too unwell to be kept up at III; not one had a spark of energy or seemed inclined to do a hand’s turn to help himself – the only live man in camp was our admirable Kami. I decided to send down the whole lot and to send up B next day to establish the camp and prove it habitable. While Hazard went off to meet B I collected the men at III. They had to be more or less pulled from their tents; an hour and a half must have been taken up in their getting a meal of tea and tsamfa which they must clearly have before going down; & much time too in digging out the sicker men who tried to hide away in their tents – one of them who was absolutely without a spark of life to help himself had swollen feet and we had to pull on his boots with our socks; he was almost incapable of walking; I supported him with my arm for some distance and then told off a porter to do that; eventually roped in three parties in charge of the N.C.O. I sent them off by themselves from the dump - where shortly afterwards I met Hazard. Four men of B had gone on to III but not to sleep. Three others whom we now proceeded to rope up and help with their loads alone consented to stay there.

A second day therefore passed with only 7 more loads got to III & nothing done to establish the camp in a more comfortable manner, unless it may be counted that this third night the six men would each have a high altitude sleeping bag: and meanwhile the morale of A partly had gone to blazes. It was clear to me that the morale of porters altogether must be restored if possible at once by bringing B partly up and giving them a day’s rest to make camp.

May 8. I made another early start and reached II at 9.0 am – and here met Norton and Somervill. By some mental aberration I had thought they would only reach II on this day – they had proceeded according to programme and come to II on the 7th. We discussed plans largely while I ate breakfast, in the mild, sheltered, sunny al fresco of II (by comparison). N. agreed with my ideas and we despatched all remaining B party to III with Somervell, to pick up their loads at the dump and carry them on. A had been filled up the previous night with hot food and were now lying in the sun looking more like men; the only question was whether in future to re establish the correct standard and make them carry all the way to III and back as was always done in 1922; I was strongly opposed to this idea, the best way of re establishing their morale I thought would be to give them a job well within their powers and if they improved as I hoped they might well carry loads the ¾ journey to the dump on 3 successive days - while B could ferry the last quarter once and twice on the two of the days when they would not be engaged in making camps: - this was agreed to more particularly by Geoffrey Bruce, who really runs the porters altogether, and who had now come up from I.

A day of great relief this with the responsibility shared or handed over; and much lying in the sun; and untroubled sleep at II.

May 9 I intended going ahead of the party to see how things were moving at III – for this day the camp was to be made wonderful. Seven men with special loads, fresh heroes from the Base were to go through to III the A men to return from the dump to II. As it turned out I escorted the first batch who were going through to III. The conditions when we emerged from the trough were anything but pleasant; under a grey sky the violent wind was blowing up the snow; at moments the black dots below me on the glacier all except the nearest were completely lost to view. The men were much inclined to put down their loads before reaching the dump and a good deal of driving had to be done. Eventually after waiting some time at the dump I joined Norton and Geoff and we escorted the last 3 loads for III the last bit of the way.

On such a day I didn’t expect III to be more congenial than it had been. However it was something to be greeted by the cheery noise of the Roarer Cooker; the R.C. is one of the great inventions of the expedition; we have two in point of fact one with a vertical and one with a horizontal flame – a sort of super Primus stove. Irvine and Odell had evidently been doing some useful work. It had been a triumph getting the R.C. to Camp III – it is an extravagant load weighing over 40lbs and it now proved to be even more extravagant of fuel than had been anticipated; moreover its burning was somewhat intermittent and as the cook even after instruction was still both frightened and incompetent when this formidable stove was not functioning quite sweetly and well a sahib had often to be called in to help. Nevertheless the R.C. succeeded in cooking food for the troops and however costly in paraffin oil that meal may have been it made the one great difference between Camp III as A party experienced it and Camp III now. Otherwise on this day set apart for the edification & beautification of this camp the single thing that had been done was the erection of one Mead tent to accommodate 2 more sahibs (only 2 more because Hazard came down this day). And no blame to anyone. B party was much as A party had been - in a state of oriental inertia; it is unfair perhaps to our porters to class then with Orientals in general, but they have this oriental quality that after a certain stage of physical discomfort or mental depression is reached they simply curl up. Our porters were just curled up inside their tents. And it must be admitted that the sahibs were most of the time in their tents no other place being tolerable. Personally I felt that the task of going round tents and seeing how the men were getting on and giving orders about the arrangements of the camp now naturally fell to Geoffrey Bruce, whose ‘pigeon’ it is to deal with porters. And so, presently, in my old place, with Somervell now as a companion instead of Hazard. I made myself comfortable; - i.e. I took off my boots and knickers, put on my footless stockings knitted for me by my wife for last expedition and covering the whole of my legs, a pair of grey flannel bags & 2 pairs of warm socks besides my cloth sided shoes & certain garments too for warming the upper parts, a comparatively simple matter. The final resort in these conditions of course is to put ones legs into a sleeping bag. Howard and I lay warmly enough and presently I proposed a game of picquette and we played cards for sometime until Norton & Geoff came to pay us a visit and discuss the situation. Someone a little later lied backer the flaps of the two tents facing each other so that after N & G had retired to their tent the other four of us began were inhabiting as it were one room and hopefully talked of the genius of Kami and the Roarer Cooker and supposed that a hot evening meal might sometime come our way. Meanwhile I produced The Spirit of Man and began reading one things and another – Howard reminded me that I was reproducing on the same spot a scene which occurred two years ago when he and I lay in a tent together. We all agreed that Kubla Khan was a good sort of poem. Irvine was rather poetry shy but seemed to be favourably impressed by the Epitaph to Grey’s Elegy. Odell was much inclined to be interested and liked the last lines of Prometheus Unbound. S, who knows quite a lot of English Literature had never read a poem of Emily Bronte’s and was happily introduced. And suddenly hot soup arrived.

The following night was one of the most disagreeable I remember. The wind came in tremendous gusts and in spite of precautions to keep it out the fresh snow drifted in; if one’s head was not under the bed clothes one’s face was cooled by the fine cold powder and [May 10 written in margin] in the morning I found about 2 ins of snow all along my side of the tent. It was impossible to guess how much snow had fallen during the night when first one looked out. The only certain thing was the vile appearance of thing’s at present. In a calm interval one could take stock of a camp now covered in snow - and then would come the violent wind and all would be covered in the spindrift. Presently Norton and Geoff came into our tent for a pow pow. G. speaking from the porters’ point of view was in favour of beating a retreat. We were all agreed that we must not risk destroying the morale of the porters and also that for two or three days no progress could be made towards the North Col. But it seemed to me that in a normal course of events the weather should now re-establish itself and might even be sufficiently calm to get something done this afternoon; and that for the porters the best thing of all would be to weather the storm up at III. In any case it would be early enough to decide for a retreat next day. These arguments commended themselves to Norton; and so it was agreed. Meanwhile one of the most serious features of the situation was the consumption of fuel. A box of meta and none could say how much paraffin (not much however) had been burnt at II; here at III no water had yet appeared and snow must be melted for everyone at every meal – a box of Meta had been consumed here too and Primus stoves had been used before Roarer had made its appearance yesterday. Goodness knew how much oil it had used. It was clear that the first economy must be in the number (6) of sahibs at III. We planned that Somervill, Norton and Odell should have the first whack at the North Col and Irvine and I finish the good work next day – Irvine and I therefore must go down first. On the way down Irvine suffered very much and I somewhat for the complaint known as glacier lassitude – mysterious complaint, but I’m pretty certain that in his case the sun and the dazzling light reflected from the new snow had something to do with the trouble.

A peaceful time at II with Beetham and Noel.

May 11. The weather hazy and unsettled looking.

I despatched 15 loads up to the dump and arranged for the evacuation of two sick men – of whom one had very badly frost bitten feet apparently a Lepcha unfit for this game and the other was Sangha, Kellas’s old servant who has been attached to Noel this expedition and last, a most valuable man who seemed extremely ill with bronchitis. The parties had been gone half an hour before we were aroused by a shout and learnt that a porter had broken his leg on the glacier. We quickly gathered ourselves into a competent help party and had barely started out when a man turned up bearing a note from Norton – to tell me as I half expected that he had decided to evacuate III for the present and retire all ranks to the B.C.

The wounded man turned out to be nearer at hand and not so badly wounded (a bone broken in the region of the knee) as I had feared.

This same evening Beetham, Noel, Irvine, and I were back at the B.C., the rest coming in next day.

Well, that’s the bare story of the reverse, so far as it goes. I’m convinced Norton has been perfectly right. We pushed things far enough. Everything depends on the porters and we must contrive to bring them to the starting point – i.e. 3 at the top of their form. I expect we were working all the time in ‘22 with a smaller margin than we knew - it certainly amazed me that the whole ‘bandobast’ so far as porters were concerned worked so smoothly. Anyway this time the conditions at III were much more severe and not only were temperatures lower, but wind was more continuous and more violent. I expect these porters will do as well in the end as last time’s. Personally I felt as though I were going through a real hard time in a way I never did in ’22. Meanwhile our retreat has meant a big waste of time. We have waited down here for the weather & at last it looks more settled and we are on the point of starting up again. But the day for the summit is put off from the 17th to the 28th; and the great question is will the monsoon give us time?

May 16. That is all very impersonal but I wanted to get the story down. You’ll be glad to hear that I came through the bad time unscathed indeed, excellently fit. I must tell you that with immense physical pride I look upon myself as the strongest of the lot the most likely to get to the top with or without gas. I may be wrong but I’m pretty sure Norton thinks the same. He and I were agreeing yesterday that none of the new members, with the possible exception of Irvine can touch the veterans and that the old gang are bearing everything on their shoulders and will continue to do so forcement. The performance of Odell and Hazard on the day they were supposed to reconnoitre the North Col was certainly disappointing. And Beetham has not recovered his form. None of these three has shown that he has any real guts; it is an effort to pull oneself together and do what is required high up, but it is the power to keep the show going when you don’t feel energetic that will enable us to win through if anything does. Irvine has much more of the winning spirit - he has been wonderfully hard working and brilliantly skilful about the oxygen; against him is his youth (though it is very much for him some ways) – hard things seem to hit him a bit harder – and his lack of mountaineering training and practice, which must tells to some extent when it comes to climbing rocks or even to saving energy on the easiest ground. However he’ll be an ideal campaigning companion and with as stout a heart as you could wish to find; - if each of us keeps up his strength as it is at present we should go well together.

Somervell seems to me a bit below his form of two years ago and Norton is not particularly strong I fancy, at the moment; still they’re sure to turn up a pretty tough pair. I hope to carry all through now with a great bound now. We have learnt from experience and will be well organised at the camps. Howard and I will be making the way to Chang La again – 4 days hence and eight days later – who can tell? Perhaps we shall go to the top on Ascension Day May 29.

I don’t forget meanwhile that there’s the old monsoon to be reckoned with, and a hundred possible slips between the B.C. and the summit. I feel strong for the battle but I know every ounce of strength will be wanted.

I must get off a little letter to each of the girls by this mail. I wish I had time to present to your mind a few of the amazing scenes connected with this story. As it is it is dull I fear – but perhaps not to you. My love to people in Cambridge, David and Claud and Jim especially and kind remembrances to Cranage and Mrs Cr. I wonder what you’ll be doing about putting people up during the Summer Meeting.

Great love to you always, dearest Ruth. Your loving George

MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/3 · Unidad documental simple · 16 March 1922
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from the S.S. Caledonia [P. & O. S. N. Co. Letterhead]

Brief Summary
Been inoculated against typhoid so couldn't do exercise. Discusses book by Baudouin. Refers to Ghandi's arrest and strikes.

Detailed Summary
Nearing end of voyage and he had rather enjoyed myself. He had been rising early and sitting alone in the early sun. He was inoculated against typhoid two days ago and so was debarred from such activities as Max Mullers, ‘My System’, skipping and running because they were too painful. He was wearing the old khaki silk shirt she gave him and mended the other day, my shorts, and a pair of gym shoes.

Wants more seasoned silence and collected meditation. Gives a detailed criticism of Baudouin’s book, discussing the law of reversed effort and its potential application to children. He was going to send her the book and suggests she carefully read the part about the practices of auto-suggestion and suggests they practice this with Clare [daughter] to help with her little troubles of competitiveness with other children. Was also sending her back The Revision of the Peace Treaty which was well worth reading - one could skip some of the figures.

He expected to be in Bombay the next morning and refers to Ghandi’s arrest. They had heard in Aden of a general strike on the railways. He missed seeing the papers. Comments on the Curzon affair.

It had been a fortnight since he had left and he supposed the flowers were blooming in their garden at home. Asks her to report on specific plants to him and mentions Clutton-Brock and Beagly. His next letter would be from Darjeeling and should be more interesting, though he didn't expect there would be much time for writing.

MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/10 · Unidad documental simple · 26 April 1922
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from ‘Shekkar Dzong’.

Brief Summary
Storm had covered them in dust inside and outside their tents. Describes morning routine. Enjoyed much of the country. Somervell, Norton and Longstaff liked Tibet. Outlines plans for camps at Everest. Delayed so attempted to climb most northerly peak in Gyanka Nampa range. Description of attempt. On return to camp they then had 18 mile march. First view of Everest. Detailed description of a monastery they visited en route.

Detailed Summary
A violent wind had blown fine dust into the tent and everyone and everything was covered with it. Dust was by far the worst of their discomforts at present. This was the second whole day of inactivity but tomorrow they would be marching again and would soon be in the mountain valley where dust wouldn’t blow. Still hadn’t received any mail.

Daily routine - started in crisp sunny air about 7.30am or 8am at the latest. Weather was warmer and the sun very hot until evening. Usually started with a walk for a good stretch, and then joined about six others for tiffin (cheese and biscuits and chocolate). There was an enormous mess tent which preceded them and was waiting at the end of their day’s march providing shelter which he thought was a good arrangement. Strutt’s voice could be heard in each new place cursing.

He enjoyed much of the county on seeing it again. There were only signs of green things though it was spring but the hillsides were often highly coloured with red and orange. Somervell, Norton, and Longstaff also liked Tibet’.

Planned to go to the first base camp made by him and Bullock in the previous year in four days and on the fifth day to take the yaks on as far as they could up the right bank of the Rongbuk glacier. Presumed this would be beyond the comfortable pace of their second base camp, which was ¼ hr below the glacier. This plan would mean an uncomfortable camp but it would ease the marches higher up, so that if their base was near the junction of the East Rongbuk stream with the main glacier three early stages should take them to the North Col. He didn’t think everyone would find them easy. They planned that the first operation from base camp would be to fix the exact positions of two camps between the base and the North Col and determine the best line up the East Rongbuk Glacier – Strutt, Longstaff, Morshead, and Norton would make up a reconnaissance party for that purpose.

Delayed at Gyanka Nampa [mountain range] (two marches before Tinkeye [Tinki]) so he and Somervell planned to climb the most northerly peak of the Gyanka range (20,490 ft). Finch and Wakefield joined them. It was a considerable distance from their camp at Gyanka and more than 7,000 ft above so it was necessary to take light tents about 5 hrs walk up towards the mountain. Somervell made quite a good sketch. They marched for nearly two hours in the dark. He, Finch, Wakefield, and Somervell shared a Whymper tent, lying head to tail across it. He was sleeping in the door and a wind blew in and it was bitterly cold. They left soon after 4am next morning but Finch was mountain sick and couldn’t continue. He and Somervell had a good climb but it got too late so they had to turn back only 500 ft from the summit. Got back very tired and headachey at 1pm and were at Gyanka at 4.30pm. Somervell had more trouble with the wind and felt the height more than he did but he liked him as a climbing companion. He was a thoughtful sensible person and quite perfectly modest, although that wasn’t his first impression when he and Herbert met him on the Matterhorn.

On returning to Gyanka they had to face the unpleasant prospect of an 18 mile march including fording a river and crossing a sandy plain where there were quicksands for the unwary and bad walking on the dunes. It was nearly 5pm before they set out and after 5 miles they had to leave one of the ponies. Then realise they couldn’t reach the ford before dark. He knew the path to the ford. Approaching it they saw some lights, presumably from Tibetan fires. Near the ford they were hailed by a Tibetan who crossed the river to meet them and them and carried him across. A few minutes later they came to the lights and found their own people in a comfortable camp with a hot dinner for them.

Next morning they had a clear view of Everest which was ‘...more wonderful even than I remembered and all the party were delighted by it - which of course appealed to my proprietary feelings’.

He had spent most of that morning in the monastery which fascinated him from an architectural point of view. It had deeply shaded little courts at a hundred different levels and mysterious interiors. Describes monastery in more detail. The temple was ‘even more amazing’ with an alter with half a dozen life-size Buddhas and up in the roof another enormous, gilded Buddha.
He thought that the next time he would write they would be established at the Rongbuk base camp. Still had received no mail and he wanted to hear from her very much. ‘I think of you most when I get to bed at night and summon up your image and want you near me’.

[Postscript] - ‘I don’t think this letter is worth circulating’.

1914
MCPP/GM/3/1/1914 · Subserie · 3 April 1914 - 30 May 1914
Parte de Personal Papers

George Mallory’s correspondence with Ruth Turner, to whom he became engaged in April 1914 and married on 29 July 1914. They first met at a dinner in the Autumn of 1913 at the house of Arthur Clutton-Brock, a lawyer and writer who lived in Hindhead Road not far from Charterhouse School where George was teaching. Ruth’s mother Mary had died six years before and Ruth and her two sisters Marjorie and Mildred lived with their father, Hugh Thackeray Turner, at Westbrook, an elegant house on the far side of the Wey Valley. They met socially several times over the next few months and in March Thackeray Turner invited George to accompany him and his daughters on a trip to Italy. George and Ruth fell in love during the week longs holiday and became engaged in May.

Shortly after the engagement Ruth left to accompany her family on a long standing pre arranged holiday in Ireland based in County Donegal. George and Ruth pledged to write letters to each other daily when separated.

George and Ruth got married on 29 July 1914, George’s father conducted the ceremony and their best man was Geoffrey Winthrop Young. Due to the worsening situation in Europe they could not spend their honeymoon in the Alps as they had hoped but instead went to North Devon and then camping on the Sussex coast.

1921
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921 · Subserie · April 1921 - 20 October 1921
Parte de Personal Papers

Outline of 1921 Mount Everest Reconnaissance Expedition

The aims of the expedition were to explore how to get to the vicinity of Mount Everest, find possible routes to the summit, and if possible attempt the first ascent.

The expedition party consisted of: Charles Howard-Bury (leader), Harold Raeburn and Alexander Kellas (experienced mountaineers), George Mallory and Guy Bullock (younger and less experienced climbers), Sandy Wollaston (naturalist and doctor), Alexander Heron (geologist), Henry Morshead and Oliver Wheeler (surveyors seconded from the army).

During the expedition Kellas died and Raeburn fell ill and had to leave the expedition making Mallory the lead climber.

Bad weather meant they could not make an attempt on the summit.

The expedition succeeded in identifying the North Col as a feasible route to the summit.

April - George Mallory sailed from England to Calcutta in India on board the S.S. Sardinia
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/1-8 - describes the voyage

May - Arrived in India and met up with other members of the expeditionary team at Government House, Darjeeling and began the trek to Everest
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/9 - at Government House
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/10-12 - trek to the vicinity of Mount Everest

June - Mallory’s first views of Everest and reconnaissance efforts
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/13 - reports Dr Kellas’ death
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/14 - first view of Mount Everest
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/15 - ‘we are now in a county no European has previously visited’
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/16 - ‘until incredibly higher in the sky than imagination had ventured to dream, the top of Everest itself appeared. We knew it to be Everest’
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/17 - written from ‘1st Base Camp under Everest’

July - Reached 2nd Advanced Base Camp and 1st Base Camp Rongbuk Glacier, further reconnaissance efforts and climbing achievements
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/18-23

August - Confirmed the existence of the North Col and therefore a passageway to Everest
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/24-28

September - Bad weather meant they had to abandon plans to attempt to summit and they returned home
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/29-31

October - return trip to England
MCPP/GM/3/1/1921/32 - written from ‘Benares’ on his way home via Marseilles where he met up with Ruth

1922
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922 · Subserie · 7 March 1922 - 6 July 1922
Parte de Personal Papers

Outline of 1922 British Mount Everest Expedition

This was the first mountaineering expedition with the express aim of making the first ascent of Mount Everest. It was also the first expedition that attempted to climb Everest using bottled oxygen. In the previous year the reconnaissance expedition had explored the eastern and northern sides of the mountain and had established a possible route to the summit.

The party consisted of Charles G. Bruce (expedition leader), Edward Strutt (deputy leader and mountaineer), George Mallory (mountaineer), George Finch (mountaineer), Edward Norton (mountaineer), Henry Morshead (mountaineer), Dr Howard Somervell (mountaineer), Dr Arthur Wakefield (mountaineer), John Noel (photographer and film maker), Dr Tom Longstaff (expedition medical officer), Geoffrey Bruce (translator and organisation and cousin of Charles G. Bruce), John Morris (translator and organisation) and Colin Crawford (translator and organisation).

After two unsuccessful summit attempts, the expedition ended on the third attempt when an avalanche killed seven climbing sherpas. Not only had the expedition failed to reach the summit, but it also marked the first reported climbing deaths on Mount Everest. The expedition did however establish a new world record climbing height of (27,320 ft).

March - Sea journey from England to India on board the Caledonia and start of trek to Everest
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/1 - nearing Port Said
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/2 - nearing Aden
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/3 - nearing Bombay [Mumbai]
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/4 - Chevremont, Darjeeling (21 March)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/5 – Kalimpong (27-28 March)

April - Trek to Everest
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/6 – Gnatong (1 April)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/7 - Phari (6-7 April)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/8 - Kampa Dzong (12 April)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/9 - Tinki Dzong (18 April)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/10 - Shekar Dzong (26 April)

May - Everest
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/11 - Rongbuk Base Camp (2 May)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/12 - Rongbuk Base Camp (10 May)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/13 - Camp III (15 May)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/14 - Camp III (17-18 May); 1st Attempt (20 May)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/15 - Base Camp; 2nd summit attempt (26 May)

June - Everest
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/16 - Preparation for 3rd summit attempt (1 June)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/17 - Base Camp [Post-Avalanche, (6-7 June)]
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/18 - Camp south of Kharta Shikar [Shekar] (27-28 June)

July - Return Journey
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/19 – Kharta (1 July)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/20 - Kharta (1 July)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/21 - Kampa Dzong (10 July)
MCPP/GM/3/1/1922/22 - Chevremont, Darjeeling (26 July)

MCPP/GM/4/4/21 · Unidad documental simple · June - July 1924
Parte de Personal Papers

Copies of letters and telegrams of condolence sent to the Everest Committee from various Mountaineering Associations and Committees, forwarded by Arthur Hinks to Ruth Mallory.

MCPP/GM/3/1/1923/2 · Unidad documental simple · 19 January 1923
Parte de Personal Papers

Letter to Ruth Mallory from The Waldorf-Astoria, New York [letterhead]

His agent, Keedick, had met him from the boat and taken him to the hotel. He had arranged a few lecture dates but was waiting to see how it caught on. He had been to see a melodrama at the Broadhurst Theatre which was where he was due to give lectures on 4 and 11 February. He had been interviewed by 4 pressmen and they had gone away happy. Had a long talk with a young man who circulated to the press information about the hotel’s distinguished visitors. The young man had told him of a self made industrial magnate who had said education was a waste of time and they tried to set up an animated discussion by getting him [Mallory] to say all the mountaineers on the expedition were men of science or that mental training had more to do with the matter than physique. He thought this was very childish and that Americans were boyish.

Describes the architecture of the buildings, the skyscrapers, his admiration of the Public Library on 5th Avenue, and the streets at night.

It had been nice to be in the theatre where he was to lecture. The acting had been slow and the audience very simple. He would have to change his style of lecturing but thought he would be able to get hold of them.

His social engagements were not very satisfactory but realised he had few introductions and hoped people who had promised to write to friends had done so.

The prices were astonishing - 7d for 3 bits of toast at breakfast and 1s for an orange.

He had found Mr Murray’s address as he wanted to get his book on Boswell published in America.

In a postscript he says he is enclosing an American advertisement, he describes his room and where he is sitting, and tells her to keep this letter.

1917
MCPP/GM/3/2/1917 · Subserie · 1 January 1917 - 28 April 1917
Parte de Personal Papers

January - On his return to France following leave George Mallory was transferred to Brigade Headquarters, 3 miles behind the front line. He was appointed as assistant to the Colonel but as the Colonel hated delegating he only had menial chores to carry out. He had to learn to ride a horse and accompany the Colonel on inspections. He had a batman who had been a barber in civilian life.

February – brief assignment as a liaison officer to a nearby French unit.

End of March – he applied to return to his battery which had moved to a new position. The Germans were starting to retreat and talk was of the Americans joining the war.

He was increasingly getting pain in his ankle making walking hard. The doctor said it was the result of a previous break in 1909 which hadn’t healed properly and he would need an operation after the war. The ankle worsened and he was sent home for the operation in London followed by recovery at Westbrook.

July - his ankle was better enough for him to visit the island of Arran with David Pye and Will Arnold-Forster [first time he had been to the Scottish hills] having first spent a few days with Cosmo Gordon's family.

September – army doctors passed him fit for duty. He was sent to an army camp at Avington Park, near Winchester, to train on the new sixty-pound guns. He borrowed a motorcycle and visited Ruth at the weekends at Westbrook. She was nearing the end of her pregnancy with their second daughter Berridge (known as Berry) who was born on 16 September.

Early Oct – made a full Lieutenant and undertook a course for newly promoted officers.
On his return from Westbrook on his motorcycle he cashed into a gatepost crushing his right foot. He was in hospital for a month and took another month before he would walk on it.

End of 1917 – passed fit for service but instead of returning to France he took a battery commander’s course at the artillery school at Lydd. This school came under the command of his brother-in-law Ralph Brooke. Ruth and the children went with him and stayed with Ralph, Mary and their three children.

Christmas 1917 – spent at Westbrook.

1919
MCPP/GM/3/2/1919 · Subserie · 1 January 1919 - 7 January 1919
Parte de Personal Papers

After spending the Christmas and New Year period making arrangements for moving, Ruth finally moves back to the Holt on 7 January, and George arrives home in the second week.

Letters of Condolence, 1924
MCPP/GM/4/4 · Unidad documental compuesta
Parte de Personal Papers

Letters of condolence written to Ruth Mallory on the death of her husband George Mallory on Mount Everest from:

Mary Anne O'Malley; Jelly d'Aranji; Geoffrey Keynes; Geoffrey Young; Robert Graves; E. F. Norton; George Trevelyan; Will A-Forster [whom Ruth married in 1939]; KA Forster; Alan Goodfellow; M. J. Rendall; Arthur Hinks; F. Keeling Scott; J. N. Collie; T. Howard Somerville; A. C. Benson; message of condolence from the King sent to Sir Francis Younghusband and passed on to Ruth; Noel Odell; and various Climbing Clubs.

Also a booklet in which his John Mallory [son] has transcribed the letters for George and Ruth's descendants.

Butler
MCCA/MCAD/3/10/1795/1/4 · Unidad documental simple · 1794
Parte de College Archives

"Magdalen College" to Edward Mills

The Disbursement Bill the Quarter ending at Xmas 1794

Paid the Brewer for 3 brewings = £0 15s 0d
Brooms & paper in the Buttery = £0 5s 0d
Knives & napkins in the Hall = £0 2s 6d
The College sizings = £0 4s 6d
Salt for the Fellows Table = £0 2s 0d
Paid for mending a sugar castor = £0 1s 0d

Oct 25th - 1 bottle of Port 2s 2d - 1 bottle White 2s 2d = £0 4s 4d
Nov 1st - 1 bottle of Port 2s 2d - 1 bottle White 2s 2d = £0 4s 4d
Nov 5th - 1 bottle of Port 2s 2d - 1 bottle White 2s 2d = £0 4s 4d
Nov 14th - Wine for the Sacrament = £0 3s 9d

Total = £2 6s 9d
Prom [1] = £149 1s 6¼d

Total = £16 8s 3¼d

March 4th 1795
Received the contents by me Edward Mills

[initialled R.B. – Revd Richard Buck, Bursar]

Newspapers
MCCA/MCAD/3/10/1795/1/7 · Unidad documental simple · 1794
Parte de College Archives

[printed form completed by hand]

Revd Bursar Mag. Col. To Charles Coltson General Post Office, London

To News-papers
From 10 Oct 1794 to 5 Jan 1795 = £0 17s 6d

Please pay the above contents to Mr Rofe And you’ll oblige, your humble servant,
CHARLES COLTSON

Received the Content [signed] Mr Rofe

Shingay Quit Rent
MCCA/MCAD/3/10/1795/1/8 · Unidad documental simple · 1794
Parte de College Archives

[printed form completed by hand]

Received (the 15th day of October 1794) of the Master Fellows Scholars of Magdalen College by Mr Alderman Purchas for one years Quit Rent issuing of a freehold messuage in St Clements parish in Cambridge called the White Bull where the courts for the said manor have usually been held.

Due to the Right Honourable the Lord Sandys, in behalf of his said Manor, at Michaelmas last.

[signed] Edward Day received

£0 6s 8d