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Pye, Sir David Randall (1886–1960), mechanical engineer and academic administrator
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Letter from George Mallory to Rupert Thompson, 12 July 1921

Letter to Rupert Thompson, written from 2nd Advanced Camp, on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead

Thanks Rupert for helping with Franz. He thinks Rupert may be able to tell him why he embarked on this adventure. Describes the scene in his tent as he and Bullock wrote letters. Sometimes thought that the expedition was a fraud invented by the wild enthusiasm of one man - Younghusband – puffed up by the would be wisdom of certain pundits in the A.C. [Alpine Club] and imposed on the youthful ardour of himself.

He describes a precipice nearly 10,000 ft high and the prospect of an ascent in any direction was almost nil. He had to endure the discomforts of a camp at 19,000 ft and had trouble understanding the porters. He looked forward to his return home.

He planned to start at dawn with 250 ft of rope ready to slide down on the side of a great ice pinnacle. He had his compass, glasses, aneroid, alarm watch, and bed socks. He hoped the snow was a passing shower and that the peaks would be clear and glorious in the morning.

He wishes Rupert and David [Pye?], love and good stomachs for strange diets. Asks him to breathe a prayer of goog luck for them as they planned the great assault.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 1 October 1916

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France during the Battle of the Somme, 'Oct 1 1916'

Acknowledges receipt of wooly waistcoat.

Had been busy all day firing at the Fleurs Line which the Infantry then took. They had advanced about 200 yards. They were setting a faster pace and thought enemy was a bit demoralised.Had fine waether and things were looking brighter. Also had good news from the East.

Had received a good letter from David who was climbing in the Lake District.

She had remarked that he never mentioned the other officers. He wasn’t with them often but would describe them in another letter. Sends his love to Ursula.

Describes the ground between High Wood and Martinpuich.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 10 July 1916

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France during the Battle of the Somme, 'July 10 1916'

Comments on where she is in the garden when she is writing to him and describes where he is writing from at the end of his night duty shift. Asks her to send a pound of butter as an experiment to see if it arrives fresh. Thanks her for the cake. He could get chocolate so not to bother sending that. Asks her to try and get 5 stone of new potatoes sent to them as getting vegetables, especially potatoes was difficult.

Yesterday and so far today had been peaceful and sunny.

Comments on the Holt and that he should try and write to some friends in the hope of getting good letters back. Asks what happened to the parts of his letters she copies out and thinks that others besides the family would like to see them. Would write to David. Mr Allen had written to say he might be coming our as a Chaplain.

Describes in detail where he lives (the offices and his dug out) and includes a sketch of the location of the map room. Tents were used but only in the cover of trees.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 11-16 May 1924

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory from No. II Camp, Everest

Full Transcript

My dearest girl,

It was a great joy last night to get a letter from you dated March 22 – you may imagine how short of news I have been. I was particularly glad to learn that you have practically completed the sale of the Holt – I have been so much afraid that you would have anxiety about that. I also had delightful letters from Clare and Beridge – how Clare is growing up! I was much touched by B’s interest in my ship and much interested by her weeping over the story of Joseph – that doesn’t surprise me about her at all. Curiously enough I was wondering only a day or two back how much of O.T. [Old Testament] stories they were hearing and in particular whether they knew the story of Joseph’s dream.

Now I must give you a brief record of the days that have passed since leaving the B.C. It has been a very trying time with everything against us. The porters have seemed from the start short of acclimatisation and up against it.

May 3 Irvine, Odell, Hazard and self to Camp I

Half the porters lagged badly. Having added a good deal of stuff on their own account to what we had given them to carry they had big loads. I decided to leave 5 loads not urgently required at I and have five men to carry all the porters blankets etc.

May 4 The N.C.O. (Ghurkha) at I was very incompetent in getting these things distributed. However the result was good and the men must have gone well. Irvine and I had gone on ahead and reached II at about 12.30; we had hardly finished a leisurely tiffin when the first porters arrived. Camp II looked extraordinarily uninviting although already inhabited by an N.C.O. and 2 others in charge of the stores (150 loads or so) which had already been carried up by Tibetans. A low irregular wall surrounded a rough compound, which I was informed was the place for the sahibs tents, and another already covered by the fly of a Whymper tent was the home of the N.C.O. The sahibs compound was soon put sufficiently in order, two Whymper tents were pitched there for the four of us while a wonderful brown tent of Noel’s was pitched for him. No tents were provided here for porters the intention was to build comfortable huts or ‘sangars’ as we call them using the Whymper fly’s for roof, but no sangars had yet been built and accomodation for 23 men is not so easily provided in this way. However I soon saw that the ground would allow us to economise walls & Irvine and I with 3 or 4 men began building oblong sangar, the breadth only about 7ft; other men joined in after resting. It is an extraordinary thing to watch the conversion of men from listlessness to some spirit of enterprise; a very little thing will turn the scale; on this occasion the moving of a huge stone to form one corner started the men’s interest and later we sang! And so these rather tired children were persuaded to do something for their comfort – without persuasion they would have done nothing to make life tolerable. Towards 3.0 pm Odell and I (Irvine seemed tired after prodigious building efforts) went on to reconnoitre next day’s march over the glacier. We began by going along the stones of the true left bank, the way of 1922, but the going was very bad, much more broken than before. To our left on the glacier we could see the stones of a moraine appearing among the great ice pinnacles. We gained this by some amusing climbing retraced our steps a little way along it towards Camp II and then on the far side reached a hump from which the whole glacier could be seen rising to the south; from a point quite near us it was obvious that there could be no serious obstacle and that point we saw could be gained in a simple way: it only remained therefore to make a good connection with Camp II. We followed easily down the moraine, which is a stony trough between high fantastic ice pinnacles and a beautiful place and just as were nearing camp found a simple way through the pinnacles – so in an hour and a half the first and most difficult part of the way from II to III had been established.

4th to 5th An appalling night, very cold, considerable snow fall and a violent wind.

5th Result – signs of life in camp – the first audible ones in camps up to and including II are the blowing of a yak dung fire with Tibetan bellows – on the 5th these signs were very late.

The men too were an extraordinarily long time getting their food this morning. The N.C.O. seemed unable to get a move on and generally speaking an oriental inertia was in the air. It was with difficulty in fact that the men could be got out of their tents and then we had further difficulty about loads; one man, a regular old soldier, having possessed himself of a conveniently light load refused to take a heavier one which I wanted taken instead; I had to make a great show of threatening him with my fist in his face before he would comply and so with much argument about it and about, as to what should be left behind as to coolie rations and blankets and cooking pots and the degree of illness of 3 reporting sick we didn’t get fairly under way until 11 am. Now making a new track is always a long affair compared with following an old one – and on this occasion snow had fallen in the night. The glacier which had looked innocent enough the evening before was far from innocent now. The wind had blown the higher surfaces clear, the days I suppose had been too cold for melting and these surfaces were hard, smooth, rounded ice, almost as hard as glass and with never a trace of roughness, and between the projecting humps lay the new powdery snow. The result of these conditions was much expenditure of labour either in making steps in the snow or cutting them in ice and we reached a place known as the trough – a broad broken trough in the ice 50 ft deep about 1/3 of the way up knowing we should have all we could do to reach Camp III. Accordingly we roped up all the men in 3 parties; this of course was a mere device to get the men along as there isn’t a crevasse in the glacier until rounding the corner to III. We followed along in the trough for some way a lovely warm place, and then came out of it onto the open glacier where the wind was blowing up the snow maliciously. The wind luckily was at our backs until we rounded the corner of the North Peak – and then we caught it, blowing straight at us from the North Col. As the porters were now nearly exhausted and feeling the altitude badly our progress was a bitter experience. I was acting as lone horse finding the best way and consequently arrived first in camp. It was a queer sensation reviving memories of that scene, with the dud oxygen cylinders piled against the cairn which was built to commemorate the seven porters killed two years ago. The whole place had changed less than I could have believed possible, seeing that the glacier is everywhere beneath the stones. My boots were frozen hard on my feet and I knew we could to do nothing now to make a comfortable camp. I showed the porters where to pitch their tents at 6.0 pm; got hold of a rucksack containing 4 china cookers, dished out 3 and meta for their cooking to the porters and 1 to our own cook: then we pitched our own two Meade tents with doors facing about a yard apart for sociability. The porters seemed to me very much done up and considering how cold it was even at 6.0 am I was a good deal depressed by the situation. Personally I got warm easily enough; our wonderful Kami produced some sort of a hot meal and I lay comfortably in my sleeping bag. The one thing I could think of for the porters was the high altitude sleeping sacks (intended for IV and upwards) now at II and which I had not ordered to come on next day with the second party of porters (two parties A and B each of 20 had been formed for these purposes and B were a day behind us). The only plan was to make an early start next morning and get to II in time to forestall the departure of B party, I remember making this resolve in the middle of the night and getting up to pull my boots inside the tent from under the door; I put them inside the outer covering of my fleabag and near the middle of my body - but of course they remained frozen hard and I had a tussle to get them on in the morning. Luckily the sun strikes our tents early – 6.30 a.m. or little later at III and I was able to get off about 7.0. I left directions that half the men or as many less as possible should come ¼ of the way down and meet the men coming up so as to get the most important loads to III. I guessed that B party after a cold night would not start before 9.0 am and as I was anxious to find, if possible, a better way over the glacier I wasted some time in investigations and made an unsatisfactory new route, so that it was after 8.30 when I emerged from the trough; and a little further on I saw B party coming up. It was too late to turn them back. I found that they had some of them resolved that they would not be able to go to III and get back to II the same day and consequently increased their loads with blankets etc determining to sleep at III. This was the last thing I wanted. My chief idea at the moment was to get useful work out of B party without risking their morale or condition as I saw we were risking that of A. So after despatching a note to Noel at II I conducted B party slowly up the glacier. After making a convenient dump and sending down B party I got back to Camp III early afternoon, some what done and going very slowly at the last from want of food. In camp nothing doing. All porters said to be sick and none fit to carry a load. Irvine and Odell volunteered to go down to the dump and get up one or two things specially wanted – e.g. Primus stoves, which was done. The sun had left the camp sometime before they returned. A very little wall building was done this day notably round the N.C.O.’s tent otherwise nothing to improve matters. The temperature at p.m. (we hadn’t thermometers the previous night) was observed to be 2° F – 30 ° of frost an hour before sunset –; under these conditions it is only during the sunny windless hours that anything to speak of can be done; this day there were such hours but I gathered that sahibs as well as porters were suffering from altitude lassitude.

May 7 The night had been very cold -21 ½ ° i.e. 53 °of frost. Personally I had slept beautifully warmly and yet was not well in the morning. Odell and Irvine also seemed distinctly unfit. I decided to send Hazard down with some of A party to meet at the dump and bring up 10 of B (it had been arranged that this party were to come up again). Investigations again showed that no porters were fit to carry loads; several were too unwell to be kept up at III; not one had a spark of energy or seemed inclined to do a hand’s turn to help himself – the only live man in camp was our admirable Kami. I decided to send down the whole lot and to send up B next day to establish the camp and prove it habitable. While Hazard went off to meet B I collected the men at III. They had to be more or less pulled from their tents; an hour and a half must have been taken up in their getting a meal of tea and tsamfa which they must clearly have before going down; & much time too in digging out the sicker men who tried to hide away in their tents – one of them who was absolutely without a spark of life to help himself had swollen feet and we had to pull on his boots with our socks; he was almost incapable of walking; I supported him with my arm for some distance and then told off a porter to do that; eventually roped in three parties in charge of the N.C.O. I sent them off by themselves from the dump - where shortly afterwards I met Hazard. Four men of B had gone on to III but not to sleep. Three others whom we now proceeded to rope up and help with their loads alone consented to stay there.

A second day therefore passed with only 7 more loads got to III & nothing done to establish the camp in a more comfortable manner, unless it may be counted that this third night the six men would each have a high altitude sleeping bag: and meanwhile the morale of A partly had gone to blazes. It was clear to me that the morale of porters altogether must be restored if possible at once by bringing B partly up and giving them a day’s rest to make camp.

May 8. I made another early start and reached II at 9.0 am – and here met Norton and Somervill. By some mental aberration I had thought they would only reach II on this day – they had proceeded according to programme and come to II on the 7th. We discussed plans largely while I ate breakfast, in the mild, sheltered, sunny al fresco of II (by comparison). N. agreed with my ideas and we despatched all remaining B party to III with Somervell, to pick up their loads at the dump and carry them on. A had been filled up the previous night with hot food and were now lying in the sun looking more like men; the only question was whether in future to re establish the correct standard and make them carry all the way to III and back as was always done in 1922; I was strongly opposed to this idea, the best way of re establishing their morale I thought would be to give them a job well within their powers and if they improved as I hoped they might well carry loads the ¾ journey to the dump on 3 successive days - while B could ferry the last quarter once and twice on the two of the days when they would not be engaged in making camps: - this was agreed to more particularly by Geoffrey Bruce, who really runs the porters altogether, and who had now come up from I.

A day of great relief this with the responsibility shared or handed over; and much lying in the sun; and untroubled sleep at II.

May 9 I intended going ahead of the party to see how things were moving at III – for this day the camp was to be made wonderful. Seven men with special loads, fresh heroes from the Base were to go through to III the A men to return from the dump to II. As it turned out I escorted the first batch who were going through to III. The conditions when we emerged from the trough were anything but pleasant; under a grey sky the violent wind was blowing up the snow; at moments the black dots below me on the glacier all except the nearest were completely lost to view. The men were much inclined to put down their loads before reaching the dump and a good deal of driving had to be done. Eventually after waiting some time at the dump I joined Norton and Geoff and we escorted the last 3 loads for III the last bit of the way.

On such a day I didn’t expect III to be more congenial than it had been. However it was something to be greeted by the cheery noise of the Roarer Cooker; the R.C. is one of the great inventions of the expedition; we have two in point of fact one with a vertical and one with a horizontal flame – a sort of super Primus stove. Irvine and Odell had evidently been doing some useful work. It had been a triumph getting the R.C. to Camp III – it is an extravagant load weighing over 40lbs and it now proved to be even more extravagant of fuel than had been anticipated; moreover its burning was somewhat intermittent and as the cook even after instruction was still both frightened and incompetent when this formidable stove was not functioning quite sweetly and well a sahib had often to be called in to help. Nevertheless the R.C. succeeded in cooking food for the troops and however costly in paraffin oil that meal may have been it made the one great difference between Camp III as A party experienced it and Camp III now. Otherwise on this day set apart for the edification & beautification of this camp the single thing that had been done was the erection of one Mead tent to accommodate 2 more sahibs (only 2 more because Hazard came down this day). And no blame to anyone. B party was much as A party had been - in a state of oriental inertia; it is unfair perhaps to our porters to class then with Orientals in general, but they have this oriental quality that after a certain stage of physical discomfort or mental depression is reached they simply curl up. Our porters were just curled up inside their tents. And it must be admitted that the sahibs were most of the time in their tents no other place being tolerable. Personally I felt that the task of going round tents and seeing how the men were getting on and giving orders about the arrangements of the camp now naturally fell to Geoffrey Bruce, whose ‘pigeon’ it is to deal with porters. And so, presently, in my old place, with Somervell now as a companion instead of Hazard. I made myself comfortable; - i.e. I took off my boots and knickers, put on my footless stockings knitted for me by my wife for last expedition and covering the whole of my legs, a pair of grey flannel bags & 2 pairs of warm socks besides my cloth sided shoes & certain garments too for warming the upper parts, a comparatively simple matter. The final resort in these conditions of course is to put ones legs into a sleeping bag. Howard and I lay warmly enough and presently I proposed a game of picquette and we played cards for sometime until Norton & Geoff came to pay us a visit and discuss the situation. Someone a little later lied backer the flaps of the two tents facing each other so that after N & G had retired to their tent the other four of us began were inhabiting as it were one room and hopefully talked of the genius of Kami and the Roarer Cooker and supposed that a hot evening meal might sometime come our way. Meanwhile I produced The Spirit of Man and began reading one things and another – Howard reminded me that I was reproducing on the same spot a scene which occurred two years ago when he and I lay in a tent together. We all agreed that Kubla Khan was a good sort of poem. Irvine was rather poetry shy but seemed to be favourably impressed by the Epitaph to Grey’s Elegy. Odell was much inclined to be interested and liked the last lines of Prometheus Unbound. S, who knows quite a lot of English Literature had never read a poem of Emily Bronte’s and was happily introduced. And suddenly hot soup arrived.

The following night was one of the most disagreeable I remember. The wind came in tremendous gusts and in spite of precautions to keep it out the fresh snow drifted in; if one’s head was not under the bed clothes one’s face was cooled by the fine cold powder and [May 10 written in margin] in the morning I found about 2 ins of snow all along my side of the tent. It was impossible to guess how much snow had fallen during the night when first one looked out. The only certain thing was the vile appearance of thing’s at present. In a calm interval one could take stock of a camp now covered in snow - and then would come the violent wind and all would be covered in the spindrift. Presently Norton and Geoff came into our tent for a pow pow. G. speaking from the porters’ point of view was in favour of beating a retreat. We were all agreed that we must not risk destroying the morale of the porters and also that for two or three days no progress could be made towards the North Col. But it seemed to me that in a normal course of events the weather should now re-establish itself and might even be sufficiently calm to get something done this afternoon; and that for the porters the best thing of all would be to weather the storm up at III. In any case it would be early enough to decide for a retreat next day. These arguments commended themselves to Norton; and so it was agreed. Meanwhile one of the most serious features of the situation was the consumption of fuel. A box of meta and none could say how much paraffin (not much however) had been burnt at II; here at III no water had yet appeared and snow must be melted for everyone at every meal – a box of Meta had been consumed here too and Primus stoves had been used before Roarer had made its appearance yesterday. Goodness knew how much oil it had used. It was clear that the first economy must be in the number (6) of sahibs at III. We planned that Somervill, Norton and Odell should have the first whack at the North Col and Irvine and I finish the good work next day – Irvine and I therefore must go down first. On the way down Irvine suffered very much and I somewhat for the complaint known as glacier lassitude – mysterious complaint, but I’m pretty certain that in his case the sun and the dazzling light reflected from the new snow had something to do with the trouble.

A peaceful time at II with Beetham and Noel.

May 11. The weather hazy and unsettled looking.

I despatched 15 loads up to the dump and arranged for the evacuation of two sick men – of whom one had very badly frost bitten feet apparently a Lepcha unfit for this game and the other was Sangha, Kellas’s old servant who has been attached to Noel this expedition and last, a most valuable man who seemed extremely ill with bronchitis. The parties had been gone half an hour before we were aroused by a shout and learnt that a porter had broken his leg on the glacier. We quickly gathered ourselves into a competent help party and had barely started out when a man turned up bearing a note from Norton – to tell me as I half expected that he had decided to evacuate III for the present and retire all ranks to the B.C.

The wounded man turned out to be nearer at hand and not so badly wounded (a bone broken in the region of the knee) as I had feared.

This same evening Beetham, Noel, Irvine, and I were back at the B.C., the rest coming in next day.

Well, that’s the bare story of the reverse, so far as it goes. I’m convinced Norton has been perfectly right. We pushed things far enough. Everything depends on the porters and we must contrive to bring them to the starting point – i.e. 3 at the top of their form. I expect we were working all the time in ‘22 with a smaller margin than we knew - it certainly amazed me that the whole ‘bandobast’ so far as porters were concerned worked so smoothly. Anyway this time the conditions at III were much more severe and not only were temperatures lower, but wind was more continuous and more violent. I expect these porters will do as well in the end as last time’s. Personally I felt as though I were going through a real hard time in a way I never did in ’22. Meanwhile our retreat has meant a big waste of time. We have waited down here for the weather & at last it looks more settled and we are on the point of starting up again. But the day for the summit is put off from the 17th to the 28th; and the great question is will the monsoon give us time?

May 16. That is all very impersonal but I wanted to get the story down. You’ll be glad to hear that I came through the bad time unscathed indeed, excellently fit. I must tell you that with immense physical pride I look upon myself as the strongest of the lot the most likely to get to the top with or without gas. I may be wrong but I’m pretty sure Norton thinks the same. He and I were agreeing yesterday that none of the new members, with the possible exception of Irvine can touch the veterans and that the old gang are bearing everything on their shoulders and will continue to do so forcement. The performance of Odell and Hazard on the day they were supposed to reconnoitre the North Col was certainly disappointing. And Beetham has not recovered his form. None of these three has shown that he has any real guts; it is an effort to pull oneself together and do what is required high up, but it is the power to keep the show going when you don’t feel energetic that will enable us to win through if anything does. Irvine has much more of the winning spirit - he has been wonderfully hard working and brilliantly skilful about the oxygen; against him is his youth (though it is very much for him some ways) – hard things seem to hit him a bit harder – and his lack of mountaineering training and practice, which must tells to some extent when it comes to climbing rocks or even to saving energy on the easiest ground. However he’ll be an ideal campaigning companion and with as stout a heart as you could wish to find; - if each of us keeps up his strength as it is at present we should go well together.

Somervell seems to me a bit below his form of two years ago and Norton is not particularly strong I fancy, at the moment; still they’re sure to turn up a pretty tough pair. I hope to carry all through now with a great bound now. We have learnt from experience and will be well organised at the camps. Howard and I will be making the way to Chang La again – 4 days hence and eight days later – who can tell? Perhaps we shall go to the top on Ascension Day May 29.

I don’t forget meanwhile that there’s the old monsoon to be reckoned with, and a hundred possible slips between the B.C. and the summit. I feel strong for the battle but I know every ounce of strength will be wanted.

I must get off a little letter to each of the girls by this mail. I wish I had time to present to your mind a few of the amazing scenes connected with this story. As it is it is dull I fear – but perhaps not to you. My love to people in Cambridge, David and Claud and Jim especially and kind remembrances to Cranage and Mrs Cr. I wonder what you’ll be doing about putting people up during the Summer Meeting.

Great love to you always, dearest Ruth. Your loving George

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 13 October 1917

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from Magdalen Camp Hospital, Winchester.

Thanks her for her letter, the book, and the letter from David. Had been feeling demoralised and spent his time reading a book by Galsworthy which was 'poor stuff'. He likes the design of her new dress and asks about the colour suggesting dark green. Was glad his kit had turned up at last and asks if his field glasses came alright. Comments on the state of the war in France and the area around Passchendaele and the state of support for different parties within Germany. His foot is still the same as yesterday.

Along the margin of the second page he writes 'David tells me he is going to leave Will because Muirhead Bone according to a previous unfulfilled arrangement is going to live with him. Bad luck isn't it - he'll be sorry. Great love to you dearest. Your loving Ruth'

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 13 September 1917

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from Avington Park Camp, Winchester

Hopes she will have had the baby by the time he arrives on Saturday.

Had dined with the Garbutts last night. Hoped to have the motorbike back by early next week. Had visited the Courtneys. Courtney had been in Mr Newton’s office and asks if she had heard of him. Thought her father would know of his name.

Busy day of odd jobs for him as orderly officer. Had been late for 6.15 am parade as his servant hand’t called him and he been reported by the brigade adjunct but been leaniently treated by the O.C.

The horses were constantly being groomed, fed and watered. His hand was cold from the last stint in the rain so was writing more crooked than normal.

Had heard from David who referred to ‘bad news or absence of news’ about Geoffrey Young. Was feeling anxious about him.
There would be an announcement about his second pip in the Gazette.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 14 April 1917

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France on 'April 14 1917'

He had seen the doctor about his ankle and it was bandaged to give it support and he would need an operation after the war. He was glad to know what was wrong and that there was a remedy. He hated the present trouble because it was a weakness and a sort of deformity.

They had not received anymore information and if there had been a big success they would have done so. He wasn't happy about that.

Dunbar had had a nasty fall and hurt his knee so the doctor looked at it and he was to be chief nurse in looking after Dunbar.

From today they were going to have to man the observation post from dawn until dusk and were making a little dugout for shelter. They would probably go back to the 48 hour system which was on the whole the best. He thought about pitching his tent in a wood nearby but thought it, or the contents, might be stolen.

Wonders how Mildred and Bob were getting on [in Wales]. Asks if she remembers their time there with David Pye.

The men were trying to find more cellars but they had all been blown up.

Was glad to hear that Mary Ann was going to have a rest and that Ruth would be staying with her. Thought she would enjoy London by way of a change.

Talks about the end of the war and her nervousness about his return.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 14 October 1917

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from Magdalen Hospital, Winchester.

Thought there would be some delay so that 28 October wouldn't be their last weekend together. Had been hoping to leave hospital on Tuesday but his foot was still too weak. Had been reading The Loom of Youth which David had sent him. Comments on Sherbourne school and the idea of boarding schools.

Wishes he had been with her as it had been lonely. He had been sitting reading in another ward where the stove burns without smoking and he could see the hills beyond Winchester. Was pleased with reports in the newspapers and thought the Germans couldn't have been feeling very cheerful if they hadn't launched a counter attack. Von Capell's resignation was a good thing and Tripitz had climbed down in his estimation of the prospects of submarines.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 15 September 1921

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead

Brief Summary
Responds to news in her letters. They had been in the same camp for two weeks. He had spent some of the time at the advanced camp climbing with Bullock. Snow had put an end to their climbs and Howard-Bury had ordered them to leave camp and return to the lower one. Bullock carried a pink umbrella on the marches. Didn't think much of Howard-Bury's official accounts of their climbs. Describes other members of the party and their physical fitmess. Was still hoping to attempt to summit but it would depend on the weather.

Detailed Summary
They had received two mail deliveries and everyone in camp spent a long time silently reading their letters. He responds to news in her letter mentioning Bob Morgan, photos of the children, the Keynes, O’Malley, the Fletchers, the Brocks, the Trews [?], and thanks her for being very diligent about circulating his news. He feared his letters had been very dull but had been writing partly for himself as a record which he otherwise wouldn't have made.

He had received a letter from Avie and David who had both enjoyed their visits to Ruth and he had enjoyed hearing about her from them. He had also heard from his mother and father who were very happy after visiting her. His father seemed to be greatly impressed by John [their son]. Mentions Miss Walround, Edith Stopford, the Reads, and that it was nice to hear that Geoffrey Young was anxious to hear his news. Was delighted by photos of the children. Asks in detail about the state of the garden, her upcoming plans, and whether she is going to Westbrook [Ruth's father’s house].

They were still in the same place as over a fortnight ago. Describes working on the upper camp (1st Advanced at 20,000 ft) with supplies, attempting to stay up there, trekking with Bullock and of pitching a tent in the usual snowstorm. Describes the fine granular snow of high altitudes. After a good night’s sleep he had woken to see the roof of his tent hanging inwards and a white world outside and conditions for climbing were entirely hopeless.

He had a Kodak camera to take snapshots of the porters and their snow-bound camp and a quarter-plate to take photos of the mountains. Spent the morning sitting on a rock taking six photographs before a porter arrived bearing a chit from Howard-Bury who had nothing more to say than to urge the obvious. After a debate with Bullock they had packed up the tents, covered the stores and prepared to go down to Howard-Bury’s camp. Bullock had a pink umbrella which he invariably carried on the march.

He had told her little of the movements of the others as he trusted she would have been informed by Howard-Bury’s articles. These were not very informative and he wasn't impressed by them.

They were all together for the first time since Kampa Dzong. Raeburn on his arrival was almost a broken and heart-breaking figure, and when Howard-Bury and Wollaston arrived on 6 September they sketched over some difficulties about stores and had settled down quite amicably. Wollaston was a rather solitary bird who was always jolly and friendly to talk with, but he had the impression that he was more tired of the expedition than the rest of them.

He was happy but thought the month was too late already for their great venture and they would have to face great cold. Feared his hopes and plans for seeing something of India on the way back wouldn't be possible.

The interest remained for him and he felt that when they returned to Darjeeling he wouldn’t leave without regret. He’d like to undertake a few other ascents, less ambitious but perhaps more delightful. He was looking forward to seeing her again.

Wheeler had been taking photographs and Morshead had been keeping him company. There was a shortage of tents due to Raeburn’s unexpected arrival, so Morshead had slept in the tent with Bullock and himself [Mallory]. It was a disorderly but happy arrangement. Wheeler came in to eat with them while the rest had their meals round a table in a pukka mess tent. There was plenty of talk and good cheer but he still thought Wheeler was not a fit man. He Morshead and Bullock made a good trio. Heron had arrived yesterday as cheerful and good natured as ever and he promised him a bit of rock from the summit of Everest.

17 September [letter continues] - the weather had changed and they had woken to find the sky clear and remaining clear. The day before he had enjoyed a good walk with Morshead and Bullock and were rewarded with a beautiful view of Everest. That day he, Morshead and Howard-Bury had ascended a snow peak on the boundary ridge and seen a glorious view. He could see Kangchenjunga [third highest mountain in the world] and all the higher mountains to the East. Makalu straight opposite across the valley was gigantic and Everest at the head of the valley was very fine too. The snow was not melting as it should; above 20,000 ft or so it was powdery under a thin crust and it was impossible to get along without snowshoes, and fears they’ll have to pack up at once if the snow didn't melt properly on the glacier. Morshead was going badly and he [Mallory] was feeling the height a good deal. Altogether his hopes were about zero.

He had been thinking about the children and asked her to kiss them and show them the lozenges below [see drawings at the bottom of the letter] which were meant for special birthday kisses. Tomorrow they were going up again so he was busy.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 20 August 1916

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France during the Battle of the Somme, 'Aug 20 1916'

Has been planning to start writing a book. Lithgow had sent him for some money for men going on special leave. Had been wonderful to be at the rest camp and they hadn’t yet been told when they would have to leave fears it would affect leave to return home which wouldn’t be before November at least.

He would leave the arrangements about money for her to work out with Mr Roxworthy. He would like some apples. He had received a ginger cake and a chocolate cake. Asks if she has heard where Willett and Thomson are. Had received a good letter from David Pye.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 20 November 1918

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France

He had only just received letters from Mildred and learnt that she had been ill. It was horrible to think that she had been ill and he hadn’t known. She should be careful and recover.

He had received a letter from David in which he said that a mutal friend had told him that after observing her behaviour he believed Jelly was in love with him [David] and he wonders if he should try and fall in love with her. Wasn’t sure if this was correct or what to think about it but hoped they could pull it off.

Paris leave was open now but he didn’t think he would put in for it.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 21 November 1918

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France and the letter from David Pye that was originally enclosed

Hadn’t received a letter from her or Mildred and he wished for one so he would know she was still getting better.

He had written a long letter to David to try and help him fall in love with Jelly and reassure him that she would make a wonderful wife. Wonders who told David that Jelly was in love with him and if indeed she was.

Had talked to two other Officers from 471 Siege Battery one of whom was returning to England for good and he was a school master so he was hopeful.

It was infernally cold but the wind had cleared the mist which was a blessing. Thought they would be left there for some time. The Major was making no effort to move as he feared their trucks would be taken away which would be a disaster.

Thought it would be a wonderful Xmas and he might write some lines to greet their friends and she could make some illuminated cards. He wonders what stage she is in her recovery.

[enclosed is a letter from David to George written on 12 November 1918]

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 26 May 1922 [first attempts to summit with and without oxygen]

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from Base Camp

Brief Summary
First summit attempt without oxygen and waiting to hear about Finch and Young Bruce’s summit attempt with oxygen.

Detailed Summary
Had received mail from her and read news of Pen y Pass. Four of his fingers on the right hand had been touched by frost bite but only the top joint of the third finger gave him any trouble and he didn’t think there was any danger of losing any part of it. Poor Morshead was a very different case and they didn’t yet know what the damage would be. Thought it was stupid or careless of them to be caught out as it was easy enough to keep hands warm with gloves if you weren’t doing too much with them. He took the lead over from Morshead and cut the steps as quickly as possible for fear the porters would be done in by the cold and refuse to continue. Morshead was insufficiently clothed and didn’t know his fingers were caught until the following night. He had wrecked himself cutting the steps and when they were pitching tents hardly had the strength to lift a stone. The night at 25,000 ft was miserable and he didn’t expect to go on.

Somervell was the reserve man all through and was particularly useful in cooking at the high camp. Norton went first on the final day and was very nearly done at the end and was climbing very slowly. They could have gone further but turned back to allow time for the descent. On a fine morning they would have started 2 hrs earlier and reached the N. E. shoulder.

He lead on the descent except where they had to cut steps. He and Norton shared the cutting as he judged he would be quicker than the others. He felt pretty strong on the descent. The slip was nearly a bad business. He hadn’t realised how shaky Morshead was and had cut rather poor steps. Norton and Somervell must have been caught napping. He didn’t have the rope belayed round his waist as he was on the point of cutting a step. Hearing something wrong behind drove in his pick and belayed and was ready in plenty of time when the strain came. Morshead must have made a very fine effort coming down the steps of the snow slope as he appeared to tread quite safely; but the moment they were on easier ground he collapsed. He didn’t like the idea of being out after dark above 23,000 ft. It was a very trying and anxious time.

Next morning there was a lot of hard work cutting steps down from Chang La [North Col] and they weren’t down to Camp 3 until after noon. They walked down to Base the next day and were a very tired party, and all except Somervell, had remained tired. The rest of the party were very pleased with their performance. Thought that the three of them were out of it now. Norton’s ear and his finger were frostbitten and Longstaff wouldn’t hear of them going up again until they were healed. It was annoying as he wanted to make one more try from a camp at 26,000 ft.

They were a perfectly happy party at Camp 3. Apart from the anxiety he had enjoyed it tremendously.

Thinks he won’t have answered all her questions. Says he is still feeling stupid and it was a great effort making a narrative for the press. Wonders what people at home think of them.

[Continues later] - Had just received 3 letters from her and also letters from all his family. Comments on her time in North Wales and hopes she is better for her holiday. Of Pen y Pass he says he knows nowhere that one comes away from feeling so strong. Had a very nice letter from David [Pye] about Pen y Pass. It was almost certain that they would be leaving Everest on her birthday and should be in Darjeeling about 7 July at latest, and hoped to be home by early August. Thought he might take a week to travel through India and then take another week coming round by sea to London. He hoped for one spell of walking with her before October, mentioning the good places they still had to visit together, Teesdale in late spring, a Yorkshire dale, golden in September, and Derbyshire, or the west country again.

[Continues later] - He had been dictating to Morris [General Bruce’s secretary] while he typed up a narrative of their climb. He had worked out she ought to get news of their climb very near the date of her birthday and this letter should reach her on 4 July, and on the same day he should arrive in Darjeeling.

Details future travel plans as he wants to see something more of the world. He may see the Bullocks on his way home as he had heard from him the other day full of questions about the expedition. They had both been ill and asks Ruth to write to Mrs Bullock as she would be glad to hear from her. He had written a note to his mother and had received one from his sister Avie and hoped she was really better.

He had been thinking of a plan for them to meet in the Alps on his way home but felt she wouldn’t come because of the expense, but if she did it would be easy for him to meet her there. He didn’t know whether Geoffrey Young had secured the Tyndall chalet but if so they could go there which would make a great difference. Tells her how to get there and what costs would be involved.

[Continues later] - they were waiting for news of Finch and G. Bruce’s attempt to summit using oxygen. Thinks they would certainly break their record as they have had very good weather but he didn’t expect them to have reached the top at the first attempt. It all depended on whether they succeed in dumping cylinders ahead of them. He didn’t feel jealous of any success they may have. Getting up with oxygen was so different from their attempt that the two hardly enter into competition. He chaffed because his finger kept him in camp and Longstaff had no idea how bad it was. It was extremely sensitive to cold and if he went up again he would get a real bad frostbite so he had to be patient.

Norton was responsible for collecting flowers with Longstaff’s help. As Longstaff had to go back in a hurry Norton had asked him [Mallory] for help and what they found the previous year. He could easily do this without much loss of time but would be a week later reaching Darjeeling. The idea of seeing seeing the early flowers between there and Kharta and near Kharta too attracted him.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 27 May 1924

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory from Camp I, Everest

Full Transcript

My dearest Ruth,

This is going to be the scrappiest letter - a time limit for the mail has suddenly been put on and this morning when I might have been writing to you I was busy doing a communique at Norton’s request, I find it an impossible task to write that sort of thing up here. Anyway such as it is you will have read it, so that is some satisfaction.

Dear Girl, this has been a bad time altogether. I look back on tremendous efforts & exhaustion & dismal looking out of a tent door and onto a world of snow & vanishing hopes - & yet, & yet, & yet there have been a good many things to set on the other side. The party has played up wonderfully. The first visit to the North Col was a triumph for the old gang. Norton & I did the job & the cutting of course was all my part - so far as one can enjoy climbing above Camp II I enjoyed the conquest of the ice wall & crack the crux of the route, & making the steps too in the steep final 200 ft.

Odell did very useful work leading the way on from the camp to the Col; I was practically bust to the world & couldn’t have lead that half hour though I still had enough mind to direct him. We made a very bad business of the descent. It suddenly occurred to me that we ought to see what the old way down was like. Norton & I were ahead, unroped, & Odell behind in charge of a porter who had carried up a light load. We got onto ground where a practiced man can just get a long without crampons (which we hadn’t with us), chipping occasional steps in very hard snow or ice. I was all right ahead but Norton had a nasty slip & then the porter, whose knot didn’t hold so that he went down some way & was badly shaken. Meanwhile I, below, finding the best way down had walked into an obvious crevasse; by some miscalculation I had thought I had prodded the snow with which it was choked & where I hoped we could walk instead of cutting steps at the side of it - all the result of mere exhaustion no doubt - but the snow gave way & in I went with the snow tumbling all around me, down luckily only about 10 feet before I fetched up half-blind & breathless to find myself most precariously supported only by my ice axe somehow caught across the crevasse & still held in my right hand - & below was a very unpleasant black hole. I had some nasty moments before I got comfortably wedged & began to yell for help up through the round hole I had come through where the blue sky showed – this because I was afraid any operations to extricate myself would bring down a lot more snow & perhaps precipitate me into the bargain. However I soon grew tired of shouting – they hadn’t seen me from above - & bringing the snow down a little at a time I made a hole out towards the side (the crevasse ran down a slope) after some climbing, & so extricated myself - but was then on the wrong side of the crevasse, so that eventually I had to cut across a nasty slope of very hard ice & further down some mixed unpleasant snow before I was out of the wood. The others were down by a better line 10 minutes before me - that cutting against time at the end after such a day just about brought me to my limit.

So much for that day.

My one personal trouble has been a cough. It started a day or two before leaving the B.C. [Base Camp] but I thought nothing of it. In the high camp it has been the devil. Even after the day’s exercise I have described I couldn’t sleep but was distressed with bursts of coughing fit to tear one’s guts - & so headache & misery altogether; besides which of course it has a very bad effect on one’s going on the mountain. Somervell also has a cough which started a little later than mine & he has not been at his physical best.

The following day when the first loads were got to Camp IV in a snowstorm Somervell & Irvine must have made a very fine effort hauling load up the chimney. Hazard had bad luck to be left alone in charge of the porters at [Camp] IV only for one night according to our intentions, but the snow next day prevented Geoff [Bruce] & Odell from starting - & the following day he (i.e. H) elected to bring the party down quite rightly considering the weather; but can you imagine, he pointedly ordered one man, who had been appointed camp cook for the men, to stay up on the chance of his being useful to the party coming up - it is difficult to make out how exactly it happened, but evidently he didn’t shepherd his party property at all & in the end 4 stayed up one of these badly frostbitten. Had the snow been a bit worse that day we went up to bring them down things might have been very bad indeed. Poor old Norton was very hard hit altogether - hating the thought of such a bad muddle, & himself really not fit to start out next day - nor were any of us for that matter & it looked 10 to 1 against our getting up with all that snow about let alone get a party down. I led from the camp to a point some little distance above the flat glacier - the snow wasn’t so very bad as there had been no time for it to get sticky, still that part with some small delays took us 3 hours; then S. [Somervell] took us up to where Geoff [Bruce] & Odell had dumped their loads the day before & shortly afterwards Norton took on the lead; luckily we found the snow better as we proceeded, N [Norton] alone had crampons & was able to take us up to the big crevasse without step cutting.

Here we had half an hour’s halt and at 1.30 I went on again for the steep 200 ft or so to the point where the big crevasse joins the corridor. From here there were two doubtful stretches. N [Norton] led up the first while the two of us made good at the corner of the crevasse - he found the snow quite good. And S. [Somervell] led across the final slope (following Hazard’s just discernible tracks in the wrong place, but of some use now because the snow had bound better there). N. [Norton] & I had an anxious time belaying, & it began to be cold too as the sun had left us. S. [Somervell] made a very good show getting the men off - but I won’t repeat my report. Time was pretty short as it was 4.30 when they began to come back using S’s [Somervell’s] rope as a handrail. Naturally the chimney took some time. It was just dusk when we got back to camp.

N [Norton] has been quite right to bring us down for rest. It is no good sending men up the mountain unfit. The physique of the whole party has gone down sadly. The only chance now is to get fit & go for a simpler quicker plan. The only plum fit man is Geoffrey Bruce. N. [Norton] has made me responsible for choosing the parties of attack himself first choosing me into the first party if I like. But I’m quite doubtful if I shall be fit enough. Irvine will probably be one & 2 of N [Norton], S [Somervell], or self with Geoff the other 2 to make up 4 for the two parties of two each. But again I wonder whether the monsoon will give us a chance. I don’t want to get caught but our three day scheme from the Chang La will give the monsoon a good chance. We shall be going up again the day after tomorrow - Six days to the top from this camp!

Mails have come tumbling in these last days – three in rapid succession - yours dated from Westbrook with much about the car. I fear it has given you a lot of trouble; Clare’s poem with which I’m greatly delighted; a good letter from David [Pye] from P.Y.P. [Pen-y-Pass, Wales] - will you please thank him at once as I shall hardly manage to do so by this mail. Mother writes in great spirits from Aix. It’s a great joy to hear from you especially but also from anyone who will write a good letter.

The candle is burning out & I must stop.

Darling I wish you the best I can - that your anxiety will be at an end before you get this - with the best news. Which will also be the quickest. It is 50 to 1 against us but we’ll have a whack yet & do ourselves proud.

Great love to you. Ever your loving, George.

[written on margin of first page]
P.S. The parts where I boast of my part are put in to please you and not meant for other eyes. G.M.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 7 October 1916

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France during the Battle of the Somme, 'Oct 7 1916'

Comments on the contents of her letters in which she referenced his remarks on ordering the Shakespeare book and his views on heaven and hell. He had received letters from Ursula, Benson, and David. Had been into Corbie to buy flour for the men.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 9 December 1918

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France

Was staying with Trafford and had been taken up in a Bristol by one of the pilots. Describes the stuns they did in the plane. Refused to let the pilot loop the loop because he wasn’t strapped in and the pilot had a reckless face.

Pemberton had been fetched from near Calais and was going to stay for some days.

Still no news about his return. It had been four weeks since his application had gone in and he was getting anxious.

Had received a letter from Brother Giles who had suffered an enteric fever [typhoid fever] and maleria and was now at the base with views of Kenia [Kenya] and Kilimanjaro. She could pass this on to Allen and Hoenni if she saw them. The Hoennis would be very glad to see her.

He was glad to be with his brother officers again and the sweet air was very pleasant after Paris. He had received a note from David after his visit to Westbrook who said she was ravishingly beautiful.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 9 June 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory describing the Avalanche in which 7 porters were killed.

Full Transcript

My dearest Ruth, I will answer what I imagine to be your first thought - it was a wonderful escape for me & we may indeed be thankful for that together. Dear love when I think what your grief would have been I humbly thank God I am alive.

/ It’s difficult to get it all straight in my mind. The consequences of my mistake are so terrible; it seems almost impossible to believe that it has happened for ever & that I can do nothing to make good. There is no obligation I have so much wanted to honour as that of taking care of these men; they are children where mountain dangers are concerned & they do so much for us; and now through my fault seven of them have been killed. I must try to tell you how the accident happened. But remember dearest one, not that I can imagine for a moment you would be harsh in your judgement that though I may have been mistaken I was neither reckless about the whole party nor careless about the coolies in particular.

When we started from the Base Camp on June 3 the clouds were thickening & it was evident that very soon the monsoon would be upon us; but none can say how soon in such circumstances the monsoon will make climbing impossible. I walked up half despondently with Finch to No 1 Camp; he was clearly quite unfit & could barely reach the camp. Next morning he went back to the Base leaving Somervell & me for the high climbing with Wakefield and Crawford to be back us up.

During the night of the 3rd snow fell heavily & continued on the 4th. We spent a cold day in the poor shelter at Camp 1, a little hut with walls about 3 ft 6 in high built of the stones that lay about there & roofed with the outer fly of Whymper tent. The white snow dust blew in through the chink & one wondered naturally, Isn’t it mere foolishness to be attempting Everest now that the snow has come? It was clear that if we were to give up the attempt at once no one would have a word to say against our decision. But it seemed to me too early to turn back & too easy - we should not be satisfied afterwards. It would not be unreasonable to expect a spell of fair weather after the first snow as there was last year; this might give us our chance at last, a calm day in the balance between the prevailing west wind & the south east monsoon current. And if we were to fail how much better I thought to be turned back by a definite danger or difficulty on the mountain itself.

On the 5th will too [many crossed through] much cloud still hanging about the glacier we went up in one long march to Camp 3 - a wet walk in the melting snow & with some snow falling. At the camp not less than a foot of snow covered everything. The tents which had been struck but not packed up contained a mixture of ice, snow, & water; more than one was badly rent in putting it up. The prospects were not very hopeful.

There was no question of doing anything on the 6th, the best we asked for was a warm day’s rest. We had a clear day of brilliant sunshine, the warmest by far that any of us remembered at camp 3. The snow solidified with amazing rapidity; the rocks began to appear about our camp; and though the side of Everest facing us looked cold & white we had the satisfaction of observing during the greater part of the day a cloud of snow blown from the North Ridge. It would not be long at that rate before it was fit to climb.
The heavy snow of the 4th & 5th affected our plans in two ways. As we should have to expect heavier work high up we should have hardly a chance of reaching the top without oxygen, & in spite of Finch’s absence with his expert knowledge we decided to carry up ten cylinders with the two apparatus used by Finch and G. Bruce to our old camp established on the first attempt at 25,000 ft; so far we should go without oxygen; in taking up the camp (one of the 2 Mummery tents & the sleeping sacks) another 1000 ft we might find it advisable to use each one cylinder; in any case we should have 4 cylinders each to carry on with us next day.

Our chief anxiety was to provide for the safety of the [‘coolies’ crossed out] porters. We hoped the conditions might be good enough to send them down by themselves to the North Col; & it was arranged that Crawford should meet them at the foot of the ridge to conduct them properly roped over the crevasses to Camp 4; there they would remain until we came back from the higher camp & all would go down together. Crawford was also to arrange for the conduct of certain superfluous porters who were to come up to Camp 4 but not stay there across the steep slope below the camp, the one place which in the new conditions might prove dangerous. With these plans we thought we might move up from Camp IV on the 4th day of fine weather should the weather hold, & still bring down the party safely whatever the monsoon might do. A change of weather was to be feared sooner or later, but we were confident we could descend the North Ridge from our high camp in bad weather if necessary, & three of us, or if Wakefield came up, four, would then be available to shepherd the coolies down from the North Col.

But the North Col has first to be reached. With the new snow to contend with we should have hard work; perhaps it would take us more than one day; the steep final slope might be dangerous; we should perhaps find it prudent to leave our loads below it & come up easily enough in our frozen tracks another day.
We set out from Camp 3, Somervell Crawford, & I with 14 porters at 8 a.m. on the 7th. A party including four of the strongest porters were selected to lead the way over the glacier. They did splendid work trudging the snow with loads on their backs; but it took us two hours to the foot of the great snow wall & it was 10.15 a.m. when Somervell, I, one porter, & Crawford, roped up in that order, began the ascent. We found no traces at first of our previous tracks, & were soon crossing a steep ice slope covered with snow. It was remarkable that the snow adhered so well to this slope, where we had found bare ice before, that we were able to get up without cutting steps. In this harmless place we had tested the snow & were more than satisfied.
Higher up the angle eases off & we had formally walked up at comparatively gently angels in the old snow until it was necessary to cross the final step slope below Camp 4.

Now we had to content with snow up to our knees. Crawford relieved Somervell & then I took a turn. About 1.30 p.m. I halted & the porters following in three parties came up with us. Somervell who was the least tired among us now went ahead continuing in our old line & still on gentle slopes about 200 ft below some blocks of fallen ice which mark the final traverse to the left over steeper ground. I was following up in the steps last on our rope of four when at 1.50, I heard a noise not unlike an explosion of untamped gunpowder. I had never before been [knew crossed out] near an avalanche of snow: but I knew the meaning of that noise as though I were accustomed to hear it every day. In a moment I observed the snow’s surface broken only a few yards away to the right & instinctively moved in that direction. And then I was moving downward. Somehow I managed to turn out from the slope so as to avoid being pushed headlong & backwards down it. For the briefest moment my chances seemed good as I went quietly sliding down, with the snow, Then the rope at my waist tightened & held me back. A wave of snow came over me. I supposed that the matter was settled. However I thrust out my arms to keep them above the snow & at the same time tried to raise by back, with the result that when after a few seconds the motion stopped I felt little pressure from the snow & found myself on the surface.
The rope was still tight about my waist & I imagined that the porter tied on next one must be deeply buried; but he quickly emerged near me no worse off than myself. Somervell & Crawford too were quite close to me & soon extricated themselves, apparently their experiences were much the same as mine. And where were the [rest crossed through] porters, we asked? Looking down over the broken snow we saw one group some distance below us. Presumably the rest must be buried somewhere between us & them. No sign of them appeared; and those we saw turned out to be the group who had been immediately behind us. Somehow they must have been caught in a more rapid stream & carried down a hundred feet further than us. They pointed below them; the others were down there.

It became only too plain as we hurried down that the men we saw were standing only a little way above a formidable drop. The others had been carried over. We found the ice cliff to be from 40 ft to 60 ft high, the crevasse below it was filled up with the avalanche snow & these signs enough to show us that the two missing parties of four & five were buried under it. From the first we entertained little hope of saving them. The fall alone must have killed the majority, & such proved to be the case as we dug out the bodies. Two men were rescued alive & were subsequently found to have sustained no severe injuries; the remaining seven lost their lives /.

There is the narrative - the bare facts, on separate sheets for your convenience - not my letter to you but a more impersonal account explaining our plans & their fatal conclusion. I hope it will suffice to let you understand what we were about. You may read between the lines how anxious I was about the venture. S. [Somervell] & I knew enough about Mount Everest not to treat so formidable a mountain contemptuously. But it was not a desperate game, I thought, with the plans we made. Perhaps with the habit of dealing with certain kinds of danger one becomes accustomed to measuring some that are best left unmeasured & untried. But in the end I come back to my ignorance; one generalises from too few observations & what a lifetime it requires to know all about it! I suppose if we had known a little more about conditions of snow here we should not have tried those slopes – [but crossed through] and not knowing we supposed too much from the only experience we had. The three of us were deceived; there wasn’t an inkling of danger among us. //

Writes again on ‘June 14’ [one week after avalanche] – In the interval since I began writing we have packed up our traps and are on our way down - actually I am sitting in a sheltered nook above that little patch of vegetation by the stream above Chobu [village], & it is raining softly which many account for some curious mark on the paper. I don’t want you to think dearest that I am in perpetual gloom over the accident. One has to wear a cheerful face & be sociable in a company such as we are. But my mind does go back very often to the terrible consequences of our attempt with great sadness.

I think it would be a good thing to send a copy of my narrative to a few climbing friends. Claude, to show to his climbing party, David & Herbert Reade. It won’t be of great interest to people who aren’t climbers I should suppose, but one might be circulated to my family too if you think they would like it. I have written to my father & to Geoffrey Young, Younghusband (very briefly) & Frank Fletcher. Please also send the account to Farrar asking him to read it and send it back to you (I don’t much want it to become an official document in the A.C., or at least not yet). And in circulating the narrative you will quote my remarks on p. 7 between marks //.

I don’t know whether you will have got the hang of our plans & arrangements. The reason for going to Kharta is really that the General wants to see that part of the country; the excuse that we want to collect flowers & birds & beasts. I had the chance of going back straight from here, but the chance of seeing the early flowers over the other side was too good to be missed & I’m still hoping to get back after a week or ten days there by a short cut through the corner of Nepal which would be a very interesting journey though extremely wet & should land me in Darjeeling before the middle of July. However that depends much on transport arrangements & I want to get someone to come with me who understands these lingos- perhaps Norton. My possible dates for leaving Bombay are 22nd, 29th July and 1st and 5th of Aug. I shall avoid the 29th if possible as it is a small boat P&O & I would sooner take the Trieste boat on the 1st & come overland. The 22nd is too early in all probability & the 5th (also P&O) is the best boat they have which is a consideration when meeting the monsoon. If I come by P&O I shall probably come to London; anyway I’ll wire giving simply a date (i.e. that of leaving Bombay) and write or wire again from Marseilles or Venice. I’ve been thinking much since your last letter dated April 22 etc. what we would like best to do in early autumn. PyP [Pen-y-Pass] is always attractive & it would be a very pleasant little party; I think we must wait to fix that if we feel like it. Prima facie I’m more in favour of breaking new ground & Richmond in early September might be perfect if Mill [Ruth's sister Mildred?] wants us. I suppose Bob has a job at Catterick; lucky man; he might teach me to fish in those dale streams. I’ve always wanted to go to Richmond.
I’m glad you like the book on botany & find it helpful; we shall be too late to make much use of it together this year, but it’s a thing we must do together sometime – I mean to learn much more about flowers for our children’s sake if for no other reason. But there is another reason; - there is a little shrub in front of me now most prettily blooming with a pink flower, not unlike a rather stiff & thorny rosemary, only the flower is more chartered - which I should much like to introduce into our garden but I can’t tell it’s species.

We are in much reduced company now - Strutt, Longstaff, Finch, & Morshead went off to Darjeeling retracing our steps, about a week ago, & Norton, G. Bruce to Kharta, where we shall rejoin them. I’m much distressed about Morshead’s hands. I fear he’s certain to lose at least the tips (i.e. 1st joints) of 3 fingers on the right hand; & he had a good deal of pain too. G.B. [G. Bruce] writes that his toes are troublesome, but no great harm was done there, & Norton, who was quite knocked out by our climb & a dispirited man after it he has now discovered that what he thought were bruises in the soles of his feet are really frostbite & bad enough to prevent him walking seriously. My finger has almost recovered except for a black nail, so I got off very lightly.
I must finish this off for a mail which is to go off at once. Please give my love to your Father & Marby [written up the side margin:] and make the understand as far as possible about the accident. Many hugs and kisses to the children and endless love to you dearest one. Your Loving, George.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, July 1917

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from Skipness on Sunday

Describes his 2 1/2 hr journey on the steamer, his fellow passengers and then the 1 1/2hr coach journey to get to Red House where Ethel Graham was waiting for him in a car. Describes the countryside, house and gardens where he was staying. Amongst the other guests were Cosmo Gordon's father and Lee Warner [who ran the Medici Society], Mary Ann and Frances [Cosmo's wife]. Arran was visible and he was going there on Wednesday to stay in the hostel in Corrie.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, July 1917

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from Skipness

He describes a walk up the burn, clambering over obstacles, and descending to a cave where he crawled through a small hole to get out. There was lots of rock scrabbling but he was feeling feeble, stiff and old. His ankle had been feeble. Frances had received a letter from Cosmo [Gordon, from France] and he was alright and out of the line. He had been taking and developing photographs.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, July 1917

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from Corrie, Isle of Arran, on Wednesday

Describes an expedition to a distant glen. Frances [Gordon] took him in a pony and trap to catch the steamer for Arran. He had a lovely walk over two of the best mountains and was supposed to meet David Pye and Will Arnold-Forster but didn't see them. He saw them later on another summit but didn't try and reach them. Instead he had a bathe and returned to the hotel. He was much pleased with Arran.

Letter from Ruth Mallory, 3 March 1924

‘Herschel House, Cambridge’ [Letterhead]

Full Transcript

Tuesday the 3rd [March]

My dearest George,

I was very glad to find that The California did not sail after all till Saturday morning. I suppose it was because the weather was so stormy.

I am afraid I am going to do the one thing you told me not to and use a ton of coal straight away. We are under thick snow here. Some fell on Saturday night but on Sunday night there as a heavy fall and yesterday was a glorious sunny day. The children played at making snow men in the afternoon in the garden and had a lovely time. It was thawing most of the day and when I went to bed but it froze later in the night and was freezing hard this morning.

Blunt has again not come so I have rung up Mrs Salter and he is well so I have taken his address and written to him.

Nellie, the new cook is so far very satisfactory. She seems very nice and cooks well.

Frances Wills is coming here tomorrow for five days. I shall enjoy that. We are both going to dine with the Cranages on Thursday before the lecture. So far I seem nearly as full of engagements as I was before you left. People are being most awfully kind and nice. Really I think more friendly than they were at Godalming.

Mrs Cranage rang Vi up to find our when I was coming home that she might meet me with her car. Vi didn’t know, but it was most awfully kind of her.

At Bletchley I got into the same carriage as John Chaister [?]. He was coming to Cambridge to stay with David for the Greek play. So I saw him again in the evening.

I enjoyed seeing the Greek play quite a lot, the dresses were very good and the colour scheme pretty. As I did not understand it there did seem a lot of standing still and spouting at the audience. But I expect if I had understood it I should not have felt that so much.

I am so sorry you left your dressing gown behind. I am sending it to Bombay [Mumbai] and then addressed to Darjeeling in case it misses you.

Wednesday

I see that the California left Gibraltar on the 4th. So now you are in the Mediterranean. I hope it is warm and nice. I am getting rather worried about the garden. If the weather goes on being so cold I shall not possibly be able to get the necessary seed sowing done before I go away. If I can’t do it I think I shall come back for a few days of solid gardening in April.

I hoped to do a lot of greenhouse seed sowing today but I can’t get the seed boxes. The fishmonger promised them but he has not sent them.

I went to the Quay Village performance last night. It was quite good and very well arranged. There was no scenery so there were no long pauses as there so often are in amateur theatricals. I think the whale show was a great credit to Mrs Salter.

The young man we picked up at St. Neots came round yesterday just as we were starting nursery tea so I asked him up and he was quite pleasant and jolly and evidently enjoyed seeing the children. Clare was in an appallingly talkative mood all day yesterday. Nothing would stop her tongue and at tea time she had her fling. I found her this morning before breakfast engaged in writing out thirteen times table. She has determined to write out and learn all the difficult ones up to 19 times she days. Mrs Reade came to lunch yesterday. I took her after lunch to see the new Sidney Sussex chapel and we met Mani Forbes there and they had a long talk about the chapel etc which Mrs Reade evidently enjoyed very much.

I don’t think I was very good company. My period had just come and I wasn’t at all on the spot. I have just fallen down from ladder and all trying to get the climbing things into the loft. Luckily I did not hurt myself at all.

I have heard from Mr Raxworthy. My bank balance is overdrawn £823 and your £112 that is £935 in all. He suggests we sell of our £500 Vickers 4% which would bring in £400 and £400 National War Bond for £420. If we get £2500 for the Holt we need only sell the Vickers I think so I will tell him only to do that for the present.

Dearest one I do hope you are happy and having a good voyage. I am keeping quite cheerful and happy but I do miss you a lot. I think I want your companionship even more than I used to. I know I have rather often been cross and not nice and I am very sorry but the bottom reason has nearly always been because I was unhappy at getting so little of you. I know it is pretty stupid to spoil the times I do have you for those when I don’t.

Very very much love to you my dear one.

Your Loving,
Ruth

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 1 March 1917

Reminisces about their time in Italy and about how she is looking forward to Spring. Tells him that David has sent him a letter and discusses going up in an aeroplane. Describes the garden and ordering seeds. Tells him that she has the book on Fountains Abbey and about Mr Britlins's book called The War and After. Tells him about a small fire that started in the nursery. Discusses the progress of the war. Updates him on her father's health.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 13 - 14 July 1916

Thursday 13 July - Intends to send his letters to David [Pye]. Is happy to hear a description of his dugout. Describes her morning routine. Wonders what life will be like after the war at the Holt. Describes Clare’s progress and compares her to Jean. Discusses sending him potatoes and butter by train. Discusses his finances. Reminisces about their early days together.

Friday 14 July – Informs him she has sent the butter and potatoes, also gives him carrots to share with the officers. Intends to buy pencils and Indian rubber to send to him. Updates him on Clare’s health and new feeding routine. Discusses her thoughts on parliamentary matters.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 18 November 1918

Updates him on her health. Expresses her impatience to have him home. Tells him she has heard from David and updates him on his news and news on Jelly. Informs him of a meeting she wants to attend called the Young Wives Association but can't because she is still too ill. Discusses financial matters surrounding the Montessori classes. Tells him of the local poor population that have died with the flu and the books she has been reading. Expresses her anxiety that Violet might leave.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 19 December 1918

Discusses Christmas arrangements. Tells him David Pye has been asking after him. Discusses the arrangements for the nursery at the Holt. Asks him to see a doctor about his headaches and is glad to hear his ankle is fully healed. Expresses her opinions about Stephen Tallent's book.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 23 November 1918

Describes the weather. Acknowledges his letter stating he was playing football with Trafford. Tells him about the cat getting stuck in the door. Expresses her worries over not being ready to teach the Montessori classes. Describes her conversations with Mary Anne when she came for tea. Informs him that David Pye is coming to visit. Discusses what servants they will need at the Holt. Expresses her opinions about Mary Anne's Young Wives Fellowship group. Expresses her opinions about how to introduce religion to children.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 24 November 1918

Describes her previous evening's activities. Describes in detail David Pye's arrival and the troubles he encountered getting there. Updates him on David's news. Informs him that Jelly is coming to play at Charterhouse and expresses her wish to go. Updates him on Clare and Berry's progress. Discusses asking the O'Malley's to move out of the Holt in early January.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 26 November 1918

Expresses her opinions in detail about the nature of David Pye and Jelly's relationship, their respective characters and whether they would make a compatible marriage. Reflects on her love for him and how she has acted around him at different times. Apologises for distressing him by being ill and updates him on her health. Tells him that Avie has had a boy and expresses her feelings of envy. Describes her intended activities with the children.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 28 November 1918

Acknowledges his letter and reassures him she is feeling better. Reflects on how they will get on living together all the time. Discusses living arrangements without servants. Describes the contents a letter from David Pye and the book she is reading by E. V. Lucas called Mr Ingleside.

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