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Crawford, Colin Grant (1890-1959), mountaineer With digital objects
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Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 1 June 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory

Brief Summary
Most of the party was ill or injured with frostbite. Feeling in the camp was more discontented. He, Finch and Somervell were contemplating a third summit attempt. Thought Finch would annoy him. Opinion on what went wrong with 2nd attempt. Weather was worsening. If they did make a 3rd attempt he would be delayed in coming home.

Detailed Summary

Wishes he could be enjoying the first blush of early summer with her. Has been re-reading her letters and says her time in Wales sounds full of enjoyment and so unlike this. The North Col was a wonderful place for a camp as it was sheltered from the west wind behind great battlements of ice.

He finds a difficulty in writing to her because she will have heard of events that have not yet happened before she receives his story. She will know the results of their final attempt, which they will begin tomorrow or the next day. Despite mixed feelings about another venture it would have been unbearable for him to be left out. Until yesterday morning he felt there was no chance of going up. Longstaff felt they were all ill since they came down and strongly believed the Expedition had done enough and had better shut up shop. Longstaff reported him medically unfit due to his finger and his heart. However, Wakefield had made a careful examination yesterday and pronounced his heart perfectly sound and he trusted his judgement. He did risk getting a worse frostbite by going up again but felt the game was worth a finger and he would take care.

Norton had not been fit since they came down [from 1st summit attempt] and there was no question of his going up again. For Wakefield and Crawford the limit was the North Col and Geoffrey Bruce’s feet would require a month to recover. Only Finch, Somervell, and himself were left. Finch appeared done when he came down in spite of the liberal use of oxygen, but was fit enough. He was afraid Finch would get on his nerves a lot before they were done, but hoped they would manage the climb without serious friction [anticipating 3rd attempt in 1922].

The weather was getting steadily worse which would settle the affair. It seemed much windier than last year. He feared getting caught on the ridge in a bad gale. Finch and Bruce had made a strong effort on the last day but in some ways managed very badly. Assessing the 2nd summit attempt he felt it was an initial mistake to go to a fresh camp at 25,500 ft instead of moving to the one they had established and they had put it on the wrong side of the ridge exposed to the wind. By some mismanagement there was a shortage of supplies both at the North Col and 25,500 ft. Porters were sent up from the North Col at 4 pm and they did well to get back there at 11 pm. The idea of porters wondering about up there in the dark with none of us to look after them filled him with horror. The story of the Gurkha orderly was pretty bad too. The plan was to take him on from 25,500 ft carrying 6 cylinders of oxygen for 1,000 ft of 1,500 ft by which time it was supposed he would be exhausted. He was to then sent down by himself drinking oxygen from one cylinder. Finch seemed to have a different standard of caring for the porters than him. He was determined they would run no risks with their lives during the next venture.

The new attempt would impact plan for his return journey. Strutt, Longstaff, and Morshead would be going back to Darjeeling as soon as animals arrive, in 4 or 5 days. Norton and General Bruce would be going over to Kharta at the same time (he was to have gone with them). The main body would follow to Kharta after they had finished with the mountain. He would aim at catching the Treista boat from Bombay on 1 August but she wasn’t to count on that.

[Continues later] - He had escaped from the camp to write the letter. In the past 3 or 4 days it had seemed to be a less serene, rather a discontented place. Morshead suffered from his fingers continually and he [Mallory] feared he would lose the first joint of six of them. He bore it well but was not a cheerful figure. Norton was even more depressed. Strutt was more than usually full of curses. Crawford and Wakefield who were last down from the mountain were not very pleased with the prospect of going up again so soon. Longstaff was far from well with indigestion and sleeplessness and was at present in one of his moods of bustling activity, when he became tiresome, interfering, and self-important. The General, who had been tied to camp almost the whole time by a sore foot, showed a better temper than anyone. Bruce and Strutt both hated the wind and they had had no more than one windless hour.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 10 July 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from 'Kampa Dzong’

Brief Summary
Describes trek so far and outlines plans to get home from India.

Detailed Summary
It gave him a certain pleasure to write this address as it meant he was getting towards home. Their trek had not gone perfectly so far and he compares their progress to his and Bullock’s the previous year. The three of them had 20 animals this time to care for and stores etc. for Somervell and Crawford to stay a fortnight in the Lhonak Valley. They hoped to get over the Naku La, the next pass to the west of the one he and Bullock had crossed the previous year, and so into the valley the day after tomorrow but thought there might be difficulties.

He had decided to catch the Narcunda on 5th August and so would be 4 days later than if he went on the Trieste line to Venice as it would be less expensive. The extra days in India would just allow him to see Delhi without undue hurry. He hoped to meet Hugh Aeber Percy there. Hoped to see her again around 26 August.

He had received two good letters from her and one from Avie [his sister]. His was glad his father had received the honour of being made a Canon as he had been rather missed out before. Comments on Ruth's letter saying she was splendid to take on so much and was very glad she was managing to keep the gardens going too. Her news about flowers coming out interested him greatly. Understood from her remarks that John [their son] was tremendously admired. What thrilled him most was to hear of his great purple-faced rage!

He wouldn't be able to stay with the Bullocks at La Havre on his way home but thought they could do it later as it would make a delightful and cheap holiday to go to Rouen for a few days and stay 2 or 3 nights with them en route.

Tibet was much more attractive now than when they came out. He, Somervell, and Crawford made a happy little party and he had been enjoying the days since they left Teng. Would probably stay again with the Morsheads in Darjeeling. The last news they had of him was rather better and Longstaff thought all his toes and the fingers on his left hand would be saved.

He was sitting in the last sun which was shining brilliantly on the Dzong, a glorious sight from the lovely green meadows where their tents were pitched. The men with whom they were arranging their transport for the next day had just arrived.

[Letter continues later] - Had a terrible argument with the Tibetans as they didn't want to go their way. But he thought they would give in. Their dinner was delayed as their cook was also their interpreter.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 15 May 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from ‘Camp III’.

Brief Summary
Description of his and Somervell's recconnaisance to find a route from the North Col to Everest.

Detailed Summary
It was 7.30 am on a bright and almost windless morning and he was sitting on a box outside of the tent awaiting breakfast - tea had just come. Still freezing in the shade but the sun was trying to be warm. Explains why he was up so early and that they had eaten their evening meal early for the sake of their cook, and had been lying in the tent ever since. He and Somervell had slept well.

He had The Spirit of Man, a volume of Shakespeare and a pack of cards so there was no real difficulty about passing the time agreeably. He had found Will’s pamphlet from last mail in his pocket. Gives his thoughts on it.

On 10th they left Base Camp and slept at Camp I and on the two succeeding days came on to Camp III quite easily. Most of the porters were to go straight back to No. 1 Camp, rest for a day, and then bring up more loads again. They were expected that day. Two porters and a cook had remained with them. First objective was to establish a route to the North Col. Did this on 13th which was an interesting day. Problem was to get up without cutting lots of steps in hard ice. All the lower part of last year’s route was ice. Hard work to make a staircase and that route would have been unsatisfactory for porters as most were untrained. Instead they chose a route to the left, straight up to the point where they had to cross a very steep snow slope. Was very hard work with a lot of chipping and kicking of steps. One porter came with them (the other was sick). Took ice pegs and rope and the porter carried a Mummery tent, which was the first tent to reach the North Col. Almost midday when they reached the snow shelves below the edge. Wind was blowing up the snow and the great broken cubes of ice above them were wonderfully impressive. He and Somervell proceeded along the shelf intending to reach the lowest point of the col and look over the other side, just as he, Bullock, and Wheeler had last September.

They were roped together and afraid of the wind. Their way was blocked by a crevasse just too wide to jump. The main edge joining Everest to the North Peak was on the other side of this gap not more than 10 ft wide. There seemed to be a way to the left but a few moments later they were up against an obstacle not to be climbed without a ladder and there was no alternative. Faced the prospect of a longer job than anticipated they. They ate four sweet biscuits and some mint cake. Saw a gap where a steep ice slope came down from the North Peak. Continued along the shelf in that direction, turned the flank of an ice gendarme and were able to work up steep snow to the ridge and look out over the westward view. Everest was still to be traversed. The true North Col up on which the N. Arete of Everest springs up was at the south end of that ridge. The slopes on the west side were fearfully precipitous and they had to expect broken ground. They had to leap two crevasses in the first 50 yards. Then found it easy going and reached a minor snow summit. The view to the west was opening out and they sat down to look at it and for a time they completely forgot their quest. Started again and saw a clear way ahead, so they can get to Everest by way of the North Col. The distance of Chang La [North Col] from this camp was not as great as it appeared on the map or on a photo taken from Lhakpa La [high mountain pass] last year. The only trouble was the labour of getting up to the pass but this would be easier now the steps were prepared. They were back in camp about 5.30 pm, each with a bad height headache and too tired to eat a meal.

The porters arrived that day with Crawford, hopefully with enough rations to allow a party of them (8 to 12) to stay there. If so they planned to take a first lot of loads up to Chang La [North Col] tomorrow 16th. Rest on 17th, to Chang La [North Col] with 8 porters, and sleep there 19th, to the highest point we can get loads, say 25,000, with 3 or 4 loads on the 19th, porters returning here, others sleeping again at Chang La [North Col], and then on 20th or 21st up to their highest camp and on next day.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 21 March 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from Chevremont Darjeeling.

Brief Summary
Journey across India from Bombay to Calcutta and the Darjeeling. Norton in hospital. Plans to travel onward. Finch and Crawford to stay behind and wait for delayed oxygen cylinders. Looking forward to seeing flowers in Sikkim.

Detailed Summary
Journey across India passed well enough. Describes the heat, dust, dry plains, and that about half the trees were green, either a sombre green or the brightest imaginable sort. There was much that was worth seeing but they were glad to get to Calcutta.

Their baggage weighed 2 ¼ tons plus a lot of personnel in the train and they paid over 600 rupees to Calcutta and 150 more for handling at Bombay. They were met in Calcutta by the A + N Stores agent who did everything for them. The stores and railway fares cost about £200 from Bombay to Darjeeling.

Norton was in hospital in Calcutta with bad piles after riding but it was not necessary to operate. Norton planned to go with them to join Strutt but he hoped that Norton would be persuaded to join them later.

They next travelled in a rail motor which was a much cleaner ride than the train. They got to near Darjeeling quicker than expected and met Bruce coming up the road in a car who made great cheer at seeing them. The country looked very different now to how he had left it being much browner due to the weather being particularly dry which he thought was a good thing for them.

Immense quantities of stores were on their way to or already at Phari. It was possible to save a march to Kalimpong, which was the second stage on the journey the year before, as they were going by a special train, a journey of 5 to 6 hrs to Kalimpong which they could do quite easily in a day.

After Kalimpong they planned to split into two parties. He would be in the first party going to Phari. Then an advance party of about 8 of them (himself, G. Bruce, Strutt, Longstaff, Wakefield, and Noel) would go onwards taking a limited amount of stores with them while the rest would follow gradually behind. Finch was staying with Crawford to bring the oxygen when it arrived [the cylinders hadn't yet reached Calcutta].

He was looking forward to seeing the earlier flowers in Sikkim [he was here about a month earlier in the year then he was in 1921] and details magnolias in full bloom. He compares the expedition leaders Howard-Bury (1921) and the current leader General Bruce and says he read the proofs of Howard-Bury’s chapters coming up from Calcutta which were worse than he had expected. Morshead would also be joining the expedition which he was very glad about [Mallory and Morshead were the only two returning from the 1921 Everest Reconnaissance Expedition].

Realises Ruth may be in Wales and sends his best wishes to the party.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 26 July 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from ‘Chevremont, Darjeeling [Letterhead]’

Brief Summary
Somervell and Crawford were to stay in the Lhonak Valley for 2 weeks. Describes his onward journey without them. Morshead was mainly recovered and his fingers and toes were recovering.

Detailed Sumary
Is concerned about the mail and missing letters from her. What was more serious was letters sent off by him from Kampa Dzong - evidently hadn't got through. Correspondence seemed a hopeless business. He would be later than previously discussed and so should meet in London. It would be best to meet at the docks but doesn't want her to wait for hours.

Describes his journey since he had left Somervell and Crawford in the Lhonak Valley in the north of Sikkim. As she hadn't received some of his letters she might not know the three of them came through the short way from Kharta together leaving the others to come round by Shekar Dzong and Phari, etc. Their way was the same as his and Bullocks the previous year. Could she follow the route on her map? It was difficult to get the Tibetans to go that way and they had to go to Kampa Dzong for transport and waste a day there.

A land slip had rendered the pass down to Laachen unusable and it had fallen out of use until the jungle had covered it over. He believed a bridge had broken too. The others were to spend a fortnight or so in the upper part of the valley, so he made the march eastward to Tango. He started with two yaks and ended about midnight with one. He stayed 3 nights at Tango collecting his baggage from the Lhonuk La and then came through without delay, though in the last stages he had to leave his kit and it arrived a day after him. Sikkim was much less wet than expected. His memories of Sikkim were chiefly of rushing swollen streams and leaches.

Morshead was well and cheery and his left hand had practically recovered. Three fingers at the right were still bound up. One big toe still gave him trouble but was healing up well.

He wouldn't write more now as he had several jobs to do. Hopes they wouldn't be quite ruined by the time he reached home as attractions in the shops were irresistible. Apart from a large bag he had hardly touched the £200 to his credit with the bank there.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 27-28 June 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from ‘A mountain camp south of Kharta Shikar [Shekar]. In the rains'.

Brief Summary
Travels towards home.

Detailed Summary
Complains of no mail and that he had received no news from her for the two last months of summer. Wants her with him and feels it is a waste not to enjoy that country together. The march down to Kharta [region] from the Doya La [high mountain pass] was even more entrancing than the previous year. First valley flower he found was blooming in the same place where he had collected seed pods last year. Saw a magnificent purple primula. Describes flowers and plants he saw including dwarf rhododendrons in full bloom, a willow shrub, primula sikhinensis [sikkimensis], a small iris, a white briar and a rose.

Stayed one day in Teng camping in a very good sheltered spot. The following day was spend chiefly in picnicking in a wonderful place surrounded by pines and overlooking the Arun gorge.

Then into the Kama Valley where the rains started again, but the camp was in a lovely spot on a little knoll overlooking the main valley and on the edge of a little mountain torrent. Describes the fine forests (mostly juniper) and beds of irises. They were waiting on the weather before continuing and he was happy walking about the hillsides or sitting round the camp fire.

They had moved on that day and gone over the Chog La [high mountain pass] which was just over 16,000 ft and just managed to be a snow pass and were camping nearly 2,000 ft below it on the north side and then departed from the Kharta Valley by another ridge and the Sanchang La [high mountain pass]. It was the ideal mountain country and they would have to wait there for 3 days on account of transport difficulties. Hoped the sun would shine for one of the days.

His plan to go through the corner of Nepal had not come off as it was impossible to arrange transport. Instead he would leave from Teng with Somervell and Crawford on 3 July and follow the route he and Bullock took last year as far as Gyanka Nampa. Then they would go south to Sar and keeping south of the Yaru river to the Nago La. Somervell and Crawford planned to stay in Lhonak and he would continue alone. Hoped to arrive in Darjeeling about 20-23 July and would wire from there which boat he would catch.

[Continues on the morning of June 28th] - was writing from bed watching the blue smoke of the cookhouse fire. Life was aimless and he couldn't really enjoy things at present in spite of the lovely flowers and scenery. They were not quite the jolly company they were and an ungraceful air had come over them even though they were well rid of Finch. But they were not bored with each other.

Felt he would take much interest in their garden when he got back.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 27-28 March 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from 'Kalimpong’.

Brief Summary
Split into 2 groups. Plan to beat height record without using oxygen. Training by Finch on use of oxygen. 40 men selected which wasn't enough. Travelled by train up the Teesta Valley. Finch and Crawford left behind to wait for delayed oxygen cylinders. Description of flowers.

Detailed Summary
They had split into two parties with himself in the first group and travelled to Phari following the previous year’s march. General Bruce had wanted to travel all together with 300 animals. Describes Bruce and the management of the advance party moving stores, fixing camps, and he expected to share his opinion about the condition of the snow when the time came. During the expedition they planned that a party of three would try to beat the height record without using oxygen. They had been provisionally selected - Morshead, Norton, and young Bruce.

Finch was insisting on oxygen training and had declared that a man should have a fortnight’s training with the apparatus and that unless he had it he wouldn’t be responsible for anyone’s safety when using it. Thinks two days would be ample training. If this rule held good the three he named were excluded from the possibility of getting to the top with oxygen, because there wouldn’t be a fortnight to spare for training them. He didn’t expect the plan would work out exactly according to intention as he thought General Bruce wouldn’t be rigid on the matter.

There were only 40 porters in the party which was quite inadequate. They were good men selected from 150 Nepalese and among them were 14 who had climbed with him the previous year. He reckoned they would have to make about four journeys to the North Col and two journeys up from there to 25,000 ft which he thought was asking too much. Bruce had been short on time and couldn’t gather more men worth taking or equip them. He planned to save them as much as possible on the journey and possibly gather a few Tibetans.

He was enjoying the venture hugely as it wa the jolliest of parties and everything was well arranged. General Bruce, Wakefield, Strutt, Noel and himself were going down to Siliguri while, ‘young Bruce’ had gone ahead to look after the luggage. He had returned after dinning in the station to find their beds already set up and arranged with mosquito nets which he thought was the proper way to travel, although the net wasn’t very effective and he was bitten and had to use iodine and prophylactic quinine. He hoped to escape fever.

They had travelled up the Teesta Valley to railhead with General Bruce putting his head out of the window most of the time, brimming over with joy and waving his handkerchief at passers-by, and Noel had used his cinema apparatus [film camera]. He describes the heat, and of arranging stores before going up to Teesta Bridge. From there the General walked up about 4,000 ft.

They came round by train to save 300 rupees but the rest preferred to start early that morning motoring out from Darjeeling about 8 miles and then walking. His companions from there would be Bruce, Norton, Longstaff, and Noel. Finch remained behind at Darjeeling with Crawford to bring the oxygen. They would probably be about 10 days behind them which he felt was rather hard luck for them. That night he was sharing a room with Longstaff and he thought they would get on together very nicely.

He would describe his time in Darjeeling, but it would be largely of idleness. He had been walking with Wakefield, Norton, and Somervell but the mountains were not at their best. Describes specific flowers and their glorious colours, but thinks they were not as loveable as English blossoms. Everything seemed to be in waiting for the first rain showers. He did not expect to see as many flowers in Sikkim until they came to the rhododendron zone.

He had ordered Curtis to give her a book which should be useful in identifying wild flowers and thought perhaps she could collect some flowers with Clare.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 9 June 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory describing the Avalanche in which 7 porters were killed.

Full Transcript

My dearest Ruth, I will answer what I imagine to be your first thought - it was a wonderful escape for me & we may indeed be thankful for that together. Dear love when I think what your grief would have been I humbly thank God I am alive.

/ It’s difficult to get it all straight in my mind. The consequences of my mistake are so terrible; it seems almost impossible to believe that it has happened for ever & that I can do nothing to make good. There is no obligation I have so much wanted to honour as that of taking care of these men; they are children where mountain dangers are concerned & they do so much for us; and now through my fault seven of them have been killed. I must try to tell you how the accident happened. But remember dearest one, not that I can imagine for a moment you would be harsh in your judgement that though I may have been mistaken I was neither reckless about the whole party nor careless about the coolies in particular.

When we started from the Base Camp on June 3 the clouds were thickening & it was evident that very soon the monsoon would be upon us; but none can say how soon in such circumstances the monsoon will make climbing impossible. I walked up half despondently with Finch to No 1 Camp; he was clearly quite unfit & could barely reach the camp. Next morning he went back to the Base leaving Somervell & me for the high climbing with Wakefield and Crawford to be back us up.

During the night of the 3rd snow fell heavily & continued on the 4th. We spent a cold day in the poor shelter at Camp 1, a little hut with walls about 3 ft 6 in high built of the stones that lay about there & roofed with the outer fly of Whymper tent. The white snow dust blew in through the chink & one wondered naturally, Isn’t it mere foolishness to be attempting Everest now that the snow has come? It was clear that if we were to give up the attempt at once no one would have a word to say against our decision. But it seemed to me too early to turn back & too easy - we should not be satisfied afterwards. It would not be unreasonable to expect a spell of fair weather after the first snow as there was last year; this might give us our chance at last, a calm day in the balance between the prevailing west wind & the south east monsoon current. And if we were to fail how much better I thought to be turned back by a definite danger or difficulty on the mountain itself.

On the 5th will too [many crossed through] much cloud still hanging about the glacier we went up in one long march to Camp 3 - a wet walk in the melting snow & with some snow falling. At the camp not less than a foot of snow covered everything. The tents which had been struck but not packed up contained a mixture of ice, snow, & water; more than one was badly rent in putting it up. The prospects were not very hopeful.

There was no question of doing anything on the 6th, the best we asked for was a warm day’s rest. We had a clear day of brilliant sunshine, the warmest by far that any of us remembered at camp 3. The snow solidified with amazing rapidity; the rocks began to appear about our camp; and though the side of Everest facing us looked cold & white we had the satisfaction of observing during the greater part of the day a cloud of snow blown from the North Ridge. It would not be long at that rate before it was fit to climb.
The heavy snow of the 4th & 5th affected our plans in two ways. As we should have to expect heavier work high up we should have hardly a chance of reaching the top without oxygen, & in spite of Finch’s absence with his expert knowledge we decided to carry up ten cylinders with the two apparatus used by Finch and G. Bruce to our old camp established on the first attempt at 25,000 ft; so far we should go without oxygen; in taking up the camp (one of the 2 Mummery tents & the sleeping sacks) another 1000 ft we might find it advisable to use each one cylinder; in any case we should have 4 cylinders each to carry on with us next day.

Our chief anxiety was to provide for the safety of the [‘coolies’ crossed out] porters. We hoped the conditions might be good enough to send them down by themselves to the North Col; & it was arranged that Crawford should meet them at the foot of the ridge to conduct them properly roped over the crevasses to Camp 4; there they would remain until we came back from the higher camp & all would go down together. Crawford was also to arrange for the conduct of certain superfluous porters who were to come up to Camp 4 but not stay there across the steep slope below the camp, the one place which in the new conditions might prove dangerous. With these plans we thought we might move up from Camp IV on the 4th day of fine weather should the weather hold, & still bring down the party safely whatever the monsoon might do. A change of weather was to be feared sooner or later, but we were confident we could descend the North Ridge from our high camp in bad weather if necessary, & three of us, or if Wakefield came up, four, would then be available to shepherd the coolies down from the North Col.

But the North Col has first to be reached. With the new snow to contend with we should have hard work; perhaps it would take us more than one day; the steep final slope might be dangerous; we should perhaps find it prudent to leave our loads below it & come up easily enough in our frozen tracks another day.
We set out from Camp 3, Somervell Crawford, & I with 14 porters at 8 a.m. on the 7th. A party including four of the strongest porters were selected to lead the way over the glacier. They did splendid work trudging the snow with loads on their backs; but it took us two hours to the foot of the great snow wall & it was 10.15 a.m. when Somervell, I, one porter, & Crawford, roped up in that order, began the ascent. We found no traces at first of our previous tracks, & were soon crossing a steep ice slope covered with snow. It was remarkable that the snow adhered so well to this slope, where we had found bare ice before, that we were able to get up without cutting steps. In this harmless place we had tested the snow & were more than satisfied.
Higher up the angle eases off & we had formally walked up at comparatively gently angels in the old snow until it was necessary to cross the final step slope below Camp 4.

Now we had to content with snow up to our knees. Crawford relieved Somervell & then I took a turn. About 1.30 p.m. I halted & the porters following in three parties came up with us. Somervell who was the least tired among us now went ahead continuing in our old line & still on gentle slopes about 200 ft below some blocks of fallen ice which mark the final traverse to the left over steeper ground. I was following up in the steps last on our rope of four when at 1.50, I heard a noise not unlike an explosion of untamped gunpowder. I had never before been [knew crossed out] near an avalanche of snow: but I knew the meaning of that noise as though I were accustomed to hear it every day. In a moment I observed the snow’s surface broken only a few yards away to the right & instinctively moved in that direction. And then I was moving downward. Somehow I managed to turn out from the slope so as to avoid being pushed headlong & backwards down it. For the briefest moment my chances seemed good as I went quietly sliding down, with the snow, Then the rope at my waist tightened & held me back. A wave of snow came over me. I supposed that the matter was settled. However I thrust out my arms to keep them above the snow & at the same time tried to raise by back, with the result that when after a few seconds the motion stopped I felt little pressure from the snow & found myself on the surface.
The rope was still tight about my waist & I imagined that the porter tied on next one must be deeply buried; but he quickly emerged near me no worse off than myself. Somervell & Crawford too were quite close to me & soon extricated themselves, apparently their experiences were much the same as mine. And where were the [rest crossed through] porters, we asked? Looking down over the broken snow we saw one group some distance below us. Presumably the rest must be buried somewhere between us & them. No sign of them appeared; and those we saw turned out to be the group who had been immediately behind us. Somehow they must have been caught in a more rapid stream & carried down a hundred feet further than us. They pointed below them; the others were down there.

It became only too plain as we hurried down that the men we saw were standing only a little way above a formidable drop. The others had been carried over. We found the ice cliff to be from 40 ft to 60 ft high, the crevasse below it was filled up with the avalanche snow & these signs enough to show us that the two missing parties of four & five were buried under it. From the first we entertained little hope of saving them. The fall alone must have killed the majority, & such proved to be the case as we dug out the bodies. Two men were rescued alive & were subsequently found to have sustained no severe injuries; the remaining seven lost their lives /.

There is the narrative - the bare facts, on separate sheets for your convenience - not my letter to you but a more impersonal account explaining our plans & their fatal conclusion. I hope it will suffice to let you understand what we were about. You may read between the lines how anxious I was about the venture. S. [Somervell] & I knew enough about Mount Everest not to treat so formidable a mountain contemptuously. But it was not a desperate game, I thought, with the plans we made. Perhaps with the habit of dealing with certain kinds of danger one becomes accustomed to measuring some that are best left unmeasured & untried. But in the end I come back to my ignorance; one generalises from too few observations & what a lifetime it requires to know all about it! I suppose if we had known a little more about conditions of snow here we should not have tried those slopes – [but crossed through] and not knowing we supposed too much from the only experience we had. The three of us were deceived; there wasn’t an inkling of danger among us. //

Writes again on ‘June 14’ [one week after avalanche] – In the interval since I began writing we have packed up our traps and are on our way down - actually I am sitting in a sheltered nook above that little patch of vegetation by the stream above Chobu [village], & it is raining softly which many account for some curious mark on the paper. I don’t want you to think dearest that I am in perpetual gloom over the accident. One has to wear a cheerful face & be sociable in a company such as we are. But my mind does go back very often to the terrible consequences of our attempt with great sadness.

I think it would be a good thing to send a copy of my narrative to a few climbing friends. Claude, to show to his climbing party, David & Herbert Reade. It won’t be of great interest to people who aren’t climbers I should suppose, but one might be circulated to my family too if you think they would like it. I have written to my father & to Geoffrey Young, Younghusband (very briefly) & Frank Fletcher. Please also send the account to Farrar asking him to read it and send it back to you (I don’t much want it to become an official document in the A.C., or at least not yet). And in circulating the narrative you will quote my remarks on p. 7 between marks //.

I don’t know whether you will have got the hang of our plans & arrangements. The reason for going to Kharta is really that the General wants to see that part of the country; the excuse that we want to collect flowers & birds & beasts. I had the chance of going back straight from here, but the chance of seeing the early flowers over the other side was too good to be missed & I’m still hoping to get back after a week or ten days there by a short cut through the corner of Nepal which would be a very interesting journey though extremely wet & should land me in Darjeeling before the middle of July. However that depends much on transport arrangements & I want to get someone to come with me who understands these lingos- perhaps Norton. My possible dates for leaving Bombay are 22nd, 29th July and 1st and 5th of Aug. I shall avoid the 29th if possible as it is a small boat P&O & I would sooner take the Trieste boat on the 1st & come overland. The 22nd is too early in all probability & the 5th (also P&O) is the best boat they have which is a consideration when meeting the monsoon. If I come by P&O I shall probably come to London; anyway I’ll wire giving simply a date (i.e. that of leaving Bombay) and write or wire again from Marseilles or Venice. I’ve been thinking much since your last letter dated April 22 etc. what we would like best to do in early autumn. PyP [Pen-y-Pass] is always attractive & it would be a very pleasant little party; I think we must wait to fix that if we feel like it. Prima facie I’m more in favour of breaking new ground & Richmond in early September might be perfect if Mill [Ruth's sister Mildred?] wants us. I suppose Bob has a job at Catterick; lucky man; he might teach me to fish in those dale streams. I’ve always wanted to go to Richmond.
I’m glad you like the book on botany & find it helpful; we shall be too late to make much use of it together this year, but it’s a thing we must do together sometime – I mean to learn much more about flowers for our children’s sake if for no other reason. But there is another reason; - there is a little shrub in front of me now most prettily blooming with a pink flower, not unlike a rather stiff & thorny rosemary, only the flower is more chartered - which I should much like to introduce into our garden but I can’t tell it’s species.

We are in much reduced company now - Strutt, Longstaff, Finch, & Morshead went off to Darjeeling retracing our steps, about a week ago, & Norton, G. Bruce to Kharta, where we shall rejoin them. I’m much distressed about Morshead’s hands. I fear he’s certain to lose at least the tips (i.e. 1st joints) of 3 fingers on the right hand; & he had a good deal of pain too. G.B. [G. Bruce] writes that his toes are troublesome, but no great harm was done there, & Norton, who was quite knocked out by our climb & a dispirited man after it he has now discovered that what he thought were bruises in the soles of his feet are really frostbite & bad enough to prevent him walking seriously. My finger has almost recovered except for a black nail, so I got off very lightly.
I must finish this off for a mail which is to go off at once. Please give my love to your Father & Marby [written up the side margin:] and make the understand as far as possible about the accident. Many hugs and kisses to the children and endless love to you dearest one. Your Loving, George.