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Robertson [née Mallory], Beridge (Berry) Ruth (1917-1953), daughter of George Mallory
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Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 10 May 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from ‘Rongbuk Base Camp’

Brief Summary
Change of plans. He and Somervell to go to No. 3 Camp. Longstaff ill.

Detailed Summary
Was distressed to hear she was ill and hopes she’ll be able to take a planned trip to Wales.

The Tibetan porters had suddenly deserted and so the whole problem of fixing the camp was altered. General Bruce’s new plan was for Mallory and Somervell to go straight to No. 3 Camp (the one below the North Col) and cut steps up to the col, establish a camp and then get as high up the mountain as they can. He thought this would be a tremendous undertaking at this stage.

Was sending her pages from his diary which would explain some of their plans though not quite up to date. The reconnaissance party had found a good route to No. 3 Camp. This was located about where the 21,000 contour hits the North peak, on good moraines at the corner and only about an hour before the slopes leading up to the col. Strutt, Morshead, and Norton came back yesterday but Longstaff, who wasn’t well spent the night at No. 1 Camp and was due to come down that day on a stretcher. Feared he had strained his heart, and also had some throat trouble.

Is sorry he can’t write a better letter when hers are full of love. Wants to show how much he thinks of her and wants her with him to talk to. Is content that she is at home and he has her and the children to return to which makes a happy background to his life here.
Most of his news is in the diary. Feels Somervell to be his very good friend. Young Bruce was also coming up with them to No. 3 Camp. He had been very fit and cheerful. His tummy was slightly out of order today, has little doubt it will be better. Still hadn’t received any new shoes by the mail.

[Postscript up the side margin] - Asks her to tell his Mother that he had been prevented from dealing with the mail and consequently from writing to her. Asks her to thank Clare and Berry for their letters.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 11-16 May 1924

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory from No. II Camp, Everest

Full Transcript

My dearest girl,

It was a great joy last night to get a letter from you dated March 22 – you may imagine how short of news I have been. I was particularly glad to learn that you have practically completed the sale of the Holt – I have been so much afraid that you would have anxiety about that. I also had delightful letters from Clare and Beridge – how Clare is growing up! I was much touched by B’s interest in my ship and much interested by her weeping over the story of Joseph – that doesn’t surprise me about her at all. Curiously enough I was wondering only a day or two back how much of O.T. [Old Testament] stories they were hearing and in particular whether they knew the story of Joseph’s dream.

Now I must give you a brief record of the days that have passed since leaving the B.C. It has been a very trying time with everything against us. The porters have seemed from the start short of acclimatisation and up against it.

May 3 Irvine, Odell, Hazard and self to Camp I

Half the porters lagged badly. Having added a good deal of stuff on their own account to what we had given them to carry they had big loads. I decided to leave 5 loads not urgently required at I and have five men to carry all the porters blankets etc.

May 4 The N.C.O. (Ghurkha) at I was very incompetent in getting these things distributed. However the result was good and the men must have gone well. Irvine and I had gone on ahead and reached II at about 12.30; we had hardly finished a leisurely tiffin when the first porters arrived. Camp II looked extraordinarily uninviting although already inhabited by an N.C.O. and 2 others in charge of the stores (150 loads or so) which had already been carried up by Tibetans. A low irregular wall surrounded a rough compound, which I was informed was the place for the sahibs tents, and another already covered by the fly of a Whymper tent was the home of the N.C.O. The sahibs compound was soon put sufficiently in order, two Whymper tents were pitched there for the four of us while a wonderful brown tent of Noel’s was pitched for him. No tents were provided here for porters the intention was to build comfortable huts or ‘sangars’ as we call them using the Whymper fly’s for roof, but no sangars had yet been built and accomodation for 23 men is not so easily provided in this way. However I soon saw that the ground would allow us to economise walls & Irvine and I with 3 or 4 men began building oblong sangar, the breadth only about 7ft; other men joined in after resting. It is an extraordinary thing to watch the conversion of men from listlessness to some spirit of enterprise; a very little thing will turn the scale; on this occasion the moving of a huge stone to form one corner started the men’s interest and later we sang! And so these rather tired children were persuaded to do something for their comfort – without persuasion they would have done nothing to make life tolerable. Towards 3.0 pm Odell and I (Irvine seemed tired after prodigious building efforts) went on to reconnoitre next day’s march over the glacier. We began by going along the stones of the true left bank, the way of 1922, but the going was very bad, much more broken than before. To our left on the glacier we could see the stones of a moraine appearing among the great ice pinnacles. We gained this by some amusing climbing retraced our steps a little way along it towards Camp II and then on the far side reached a hump from which the whole glacier could be seen rising to the south; from a point quite near us it was obvious that there could be no serious obstacle and that point we saw could be gained in a simple way: it only remained therefore to make a good connection with Camp II. We followed easily down the moraine, which is a stony trough between high fantastic ice pinnacles and a beautiful place and just as were nearing camp found a simple way through the pinnacles – so in an hour and a half the first and most difficult part of the way from II to III had been established.

4th to 5th An appalling night, very cold, considerable snow fall and a violent wind.

5th Result – signs of life in camp – the first audible ones in camps up to and including II are the blowing of a yak dung fire with Tibetan bellows – on the 5th these signs were very late.

The men too were an extraordinarily long time getting their food this morning. The N.C.O. seemed unable to get a move on and generally speaking an oriental inertia was in the air. It was with difficulty in fact that the men could be got out of their tents and then we had further difficulty about loads; one man, a regular old soldier, having possessed himself of a conveniently light load refused to take a heavier one which I wanted taken instead; I had to make a great show of threatening him with my fist in his face before he would comply and so with much argument about it and about, as to what should be left behind as to coolie rations and blankets and cooking pots and the degree of illness of 3 reporting sick we didn’t get fairly under way until 11 am. Now making a new track is always a long affair compared with following an old one – and on this occasion snow had fallen in the night. The glacier which had looked innocent enough the evening before was far from innocent now. The wind had blown the higher surfaces clear, the days I suppose had been too cold for melting and these surfaces were hard, smooth, rounded ice, almost as hard as glass and with never a trace of roughness, and between the projecting humps lay the new powdery snow. The result of these conditions was much expenditure of labour either in making steps in the snow or cutting them in ice and we reached a place known as the trough – a broad broken trough in the ice 50 ft deep about 1/3 of the way up knowing we should have all we could do to reach Camp III. Accordingly we roped up all the men in 3 parties; this of course was a mere device to get the men along as there isn’t a crevasse in the glacier until rounding the corner to III. We followed along in the trough for some way a lovely warm place, and then came out of it onto the open glacier where the wind was blowing up the snow maliciously. The wind luckily was at our backs until we rounded the corner of the North Peak – and then we caught it, blowing straight at us from the North Col. As the porters were now nearly exhausted and feeling the altitude badly our progress was a bitter experience. I was acting as lone horse finding the best way and consequently arrived first in camp. It was a queer sensation reviving memories of that scene, with the dud oxygen cylinders piled against the cairn which was built to commemorate the seven porters killed two years ago. The whole place had changed less than I could have believed possible, seeing that the glacier is everywhere beneath the stones. My boots were frozen hard on my feet and I knew we could to do nothing now to make a comfortable camp. I showed the porters where to pitch their tents at 6.0 pm; got hold of a rucksack containing 4 china cookers, dished out 3 and meta for their cooking to the porters and 1 to our own cook: then we pitched our own two Meade tents with doors facing about a yard apart for sociability. The porters seemed to me very much done up and considering how cold it was even at 6.0 am I was a good deal depressed by the situation. Personally I got warm easily enough; our wonderful Kami produced some sort of a hot meal and I lay comfortably in my sleeping bag. The one thing I could think of for the porters was the high altitude sleeping sacks (intended for IV and upwards) now at II and which I had not ordered to come on next day with the second party of porters (two parties A and B each of 20 had been formed for these purposes and B were a day behind us). The only plan was to make an early start next morning and get to II in time to forestall the departure of B party, I remember making this resolve in the middle of the night and getting up to pull my boots inside the tent from under the door; I put them inside the outer covering of my fleabag and near the middle of my body - but of course they remained frozen hard and I had a tussle to get them on in the morning. Luckily the sun strikes our tents early – 6.30 a.m. or little later at III and I was able to get off about 7.0. I left directions that half the men or as many less as possible should come ¼ of the way down and meet the men coming up so as to get the most important loads to III. I guessed that B party after a cold night would not start before 9.0 am and as I was anxious to find, if possible, a better way over the glacier I wasted some time in investigations and made an unsatisfactory new route, so that it was after 8.30 when I emerged from the trough; and a little further on I saw B party coming up. It was too late to turn them back. I found that they had some of them resolved that they would not be able to go to III and get back to II the same day and consequently increased their loads with blankets etc determining to sleep at III. This was the last thing I wanted. My chief idea at the moment was to get useful work out of B party without risking their morale or condition as I saw we were risking that of A. So after despatching a note to Noel at II I conducted B party slowly up the glacier. After making a convenient dump and sending down B party I got back to Camp III early afternoon, some what done and going very slowly at the last from want of food. In camp nothing doing. All porters said to be sick and none fit to carry a load. Irvine and Odell volunteered to go down to the dump and get up one or two things specially wanted – e.g. Primus stoves, which was done. The sun had left the camp sometime before they returned. A very little wall building was done this day notably round the N.C.O.’s tent otherwise nothing to improve matters. The temperature at p.m. (we hadn’t thermometers the previous night) was observed to be 2° F – 30 ° of frost an hour before sunset –; under these conditions it is only during the sunny windless hours that anything to speak of can be done; this day there were such hours but I gathered that sahibs as well as porters were suffering from altitude lassitude.

May 7 The night had been very cold -21 ½ ° i.e. 53 °of frost. Personally I had slept beautifully warmly and yet was not well in the morning. Odell and Irvine also seemed distinctly unfit. I decided to send Hazard down with some of A party to meet at the dump and bring up 10 of B (it had been arranged that this party were to come up again). Investigations again showed that no porters were fit to carry loads; several were too unwell to be kept up at III; not one had a spark of energy or seemed inclined to do a hand’s turn to help himself – the only live man in camp was our admirable Kami. I decided to send down the whole lot and to send up B next day to establish the camp and prove it habitable. While Hazard went off to meet B I collected the men at III. They had to be more or less pulled from their tents; an hour and a half must have been taken up in their getting a meal of tea and tsamfa which they must clearly have before going down; & much time too in digging out the sicker men who tried to hide away in their tents – one of them who was absolutely without a spark of life to help himself had swollen feet and we had to pull on his boots with our socks; he was almost incapable of walking; I supported him with my arm for some distance and then told off a porter to do that; eventually roped in three parties in charge of the N.C.O. I sent them off by themselves from the dump - where shortly afterwards I met Hazard. Four men of B had gone on to III but not to sleep. Three others whom we now proceeded to rope up and help with their loads alone consented to stay there.

A second day therefore passed with only 7 more loads got to III & nothing done to establish the camp in a more comfortable manner, unless it may be counted that this third night the six men would each have a high altitude sleeping bag: and meanwhile the morale of A partly had gone to blazes. It was clear to me that the morale of porters altogether must be restored if possible at once by bringing B partly up and giving them a day’s rest to make camp.

May 8. I made another early start and reached II at 9.0 am – and here met Norton and Somervill. By some mental aberration I had thought they would only reach II on this day – they had proceeded according to programme and come to II on the 7th. We discussed plans largely while I ate breakfast, in the mild, sheltered, sunny al fresco of II (by comparison). N. agreed with my ideas and we despatched all remaining B party to III with Somervell, to pick up their loads at the dump and carry them on. A had been filled up the previous night with hot food and were now lying in the sun looking more like men; the only question was whether in future to re establish the correct standard and make them carry all the way to III and back as was always done in 1922; I was strongly opposed to this idea, the best way of re establishing their morale I thought would be to give them a job well within their powers and if they improved as I hoped they might well carry loads the ¾ journey to the dump on 3 successive days - while B could ferry the last quarter once and twice on the two of the days when they would not be engaged in making camps: - this was agreed to more particularly by Geoffrey Bruce, who really runs the porters altogether, and who had now come up from I.

A day of great relief this with the responsibility shared or handed over; and much lying in the sun; and untroubled sleep at II.

May 9 I intended going ahead of the party to see how things were moving at III – for this day the camp was to be made wonderful. Seven men with special loads, fresh heroes from the Base were to go through to III the A men to return from the dump to II. As it turned out I escorted the first batch who were going through to III. The conditions when we emerged from the trough were anything but pleasant; under a grey sky the violent wind was blowing up the snow; at moments the black dots below me on the glacier all except the nearest were completely lost to view. The men were much inclined to put down their loads before reaching the dump and a good deal of driving had to be done. Eventually after waiting some time at the dump I joined Norton and Geoff and we escorted the last 3 loads for III the last bit of the way.

On such a day I didn’t expect III to be more congenial than it had been. However it was something to be greeted by the cheery noise of the Roarer Cooker; the R.C. is one of the great inventions of the expedition; we have two in point of fact one with a vertical and one with a horizontal flame – a sort of super Primus stove. Irvine and Odell had evidently been doing some useful work. It had been a triumph getting the R.C. to Camp III – it is an extravagant load weighing over 40lbs and it now proved to be even more extravagant of fuel than had been anticipated; moreover its burning was somewhat intermittent and as the cook even after instruction was still both frightened and incompetent when this formidable stove was not functioning quite sweetly and well a sahib had often to be called in to help. Nevertheless the R.C. succeeded in cooking food for the troops and however costly in paraffin oil that meal may have been it made the one great difference between Camp III as A party experienced it and Camp III now. Otherwise on this day set apart for the edification & beautification of this camp the single thing that had been done was the erection of one Mead tent to accommodate 2 more sahibs (only 2 more because Hazard came down this day). And no blame to anyone. B party was much as A party had been - in a state of oriental inertia; it is unfair perhaps to our porters to class then with Orientals in general, but they have this oriental quality that after a certain stage of physical discomfort or mental depression is reached they simply curl up. Our porters were just curled up inside their tents. And it must be admitted that the sahibs were most of the time in their tents no other place being tolerable. Personally I felt that the task of going round tents and seeing how the men were getting on and giving orders about the arrangements of the camp now naturally fell to Geoffrey Bruce, whose ‘pigeon’ it is to deal with porters. And so, presently, in my old place, with Somervell now as a companion instead of Hazard. I made myself comfortable; - i.e. I took off my boots and knickers, put on my footless stockings knitted for me by my wife for last expedition and covering the whole of my legs, a pair of grey flannel bags & 2 pairs of warm socks besides my cloth sided shoes & certain garments too for warming the upper parts, a comparatively simple matter. The final resort in these conditions of course is to put ones legs into a sleeping bag. Howard and I lay warmly enough and presently I proposed a game of picquette and we played cards for sometime until Norton & Geoff came to pay us a visit and discuss the situation. Someone a little later lied backer the flaps of the two tents facing each other so that after N & G had retired to their tent the other four of us began were inhabiting as it were one room and hopefully talked of the genius of Kami and the Roarer Cooker and supposed that a hot evening meal might sometime come our way. Meanwhile I produced The Spirit of Man and began reading one things and another – Howard reminded me that I was reproducing on the same spot a scene which occurred two years ago when he and I lay in a tent together. We all agreed that Kubla Khan was a good sort of poem. Irvine was rather poetry shy but seemed to be favourably impressed by the Epitaph to Grey’s Elegy. Odell was much inclined to be interested and liked the last lines of Prometheus Unbound. S, who knows quite a lot of English Literature had never read a poem of Emily Bronte’s and was happily introduced. And suddenly hot soup arrived.

The following night was one of the most disagreeable I remember. The wind came in tremendous gusts and in spite of precautions to keep it out the fresh snow drifted in; if one’s head was not under the bed clothes one’s face was cooled by the fine cold powder and [May 10 written in margin] in the morning I found about 2 ins of snow all along my side of the tent. It was impossible to guess how much snow had fallen during the night when first one looked out. The only certain thing was the vile appearance of thing’s at present. In a calm interval one could take stock of a camp now covered in snow - and then would come the violent wind and all would be covered in the spindrift. Presently Norton and Geoff came into our tent for a pow pow. G. speaking from the porters’ point of view was in favour of beating a retreat. We were all agreed that we must not risk destroying the morale of the porters and also that for two or three days no progress could be made towards the North Col. But it seemed to me that in a normal course of events the weather should now re-establish itself and might even be sufficiently calm to get something done this afternoon; and that for the porters the best thing of all would be to weather the storm up at III. In any case it would be early enough to decide for a retreat next day. These arguments commended themselves to Norton; and so it was agreed. Meanwhile one of the most serious features of the situation was the consumption of fuel. A box of meta and none could say how much paraffin (not much however) had been burnt at II; here at III no water had yet appeared and snow must be melted for everyone at every meal – a box of Meta had been consumed here too and Primus stoves had been used before Roarer had made its appearance yesterday. Goodness knew how much oil it had used. It was clear that the first economy must be in the number (6) of sahibs at III. We planned that Somervill, Norton and Odell should have the first whack at the North Col and Irvine and I finish the good work next day – Irvine and I therefore must go down first. On the way down Irvine suffered very much and I somewhat for the complaint known as glacier lassitude – mysterious complaint, but I’m pretty certain that in his case the sun and the dazzling light reflected from the new snow had something to do with the trouble.

A peaceful time at II with Beetham and Noel.

May 11. The weather hazy and unsettled looking.

I despatched 15 loads up to the dump and arranged for the evacuation of two sick men – of whom one had very badly frost bitten feet apparently a Lepcha unfit for this game and the other was Sangha, Kellas’s old servant who has been attached to Noel this expedition and last, a most valuable man who seemed extremely ill with bronchitis. The parties had been gone half an hour before we were aroused by a shout and learnt that a porter had broken his leg on the glacier. We quickly gathered ourselves into a competent help party and had barely started out when a man turned up bearing a note from Norton – to tell me as I half expected that he had decided to evacuate III for the present and retire all ranks to the B.C.

The wounded man turned out to be nearer at hand and not so badly wounded (a bone broken in the region of the knee) as I had feared.

This same evening Beetham, Noel, Irvine, and I were back at the B.C., the rest coming in next day.

Well, that’s the bare story of the reverse, so far as it goes. I’m convinced Norton has been perfectly right. We pushed things far enough. Everything depends on the porters and we must contrive to bring them to the starting point – i.e. 3 at the top of their form. I expect we were working all the time in ‘22 with a smaller margin than we knew - it certainly amazed me that the whole ‘bandobast’ so far as porters were concerned worked so smoothly. Anyway this time the conditions at III were much more severe and not only were temperatures lower, but wind was more continuous and more violent. I expect these porters will do as well in the end as last time’s. Personally I felt as though I were going through a real hard time in a way I never did in ’22. Meanwhile our retreat has meant a big waste of time. We have waited down here for the weather & at last it looks more settled and we are on the point of starting up again. But the day for the summit is put off from the 17th to the 28th; and the great question is will the monsoon give us time?

May 16. That is all very impersonal but I wanted to get the story down. You’ll be glad to hear that I came through the bad time unscathed indeed, excellently fit. I must tell you that with immense physical pride I look upon myself as the strongest of the lot the most likely to get to the top with or without gas. I may be wrong but I’m pretty sure Norton thinks the same. He and I were agreeing yesterday that none of the new members, with the possible exception of Irvine can touch the veterans and that the old gang are bearing everything on their shoulders and will continue to do so forcement. The performance of Odell and Hazard on the day they were supposed to reconnoitre the North Col was certainly disappointing. And Beetham has not recovered his form. None of these three has shown that he has any real guts; it is an effort to pull oneself together and do what is required high up, but it is the power to keep the show going when you don’t feel energetic that will enable us to win through if anything does. Irvine has much more of the winning spirit - he has been wonderfully hard working and brilliantly skilful about the oxygen; against him is his youth (though it is very much for him some ways) – hard things seem to hit him a bit harder – and his lack of mountaineering training and practice, which must tells to some extent when it comes to climbing rocks or even to saving energy on the easiest ground. However he’ll be an ideal campaigning companion and with as stout a heart as you could wish to find; - if each of us keeps up his strength as it is at present we should go well together.

Somervell seems to me a bit below his form of two years ago and Norton is not particularly strong I fancy, at the moment; still they’re sure to turn up a pretty tough pair. I hope to carry all through now with a great bound now. We have learnt from experience and will be well organised at the camps. Howard and I will be making the way to Chang La again – 4 days hence and eight days later – who can tell? Perhaps we shall go to the top on Ascension Day May 29.

I don’t forget meanwhile that there’s the old monsoon to be reckoned with, and a hundred possible slips between the B.C. and the summit. I feel strong for the battle but I know every ounce of strength will be wanted.

I must get off a little letter to each of the girls by this mail. I wish I had time to present to your mind a few of the amazing scenes connected with this story. As it is it is dull I fear – but perhaps not to you. My love to people in Cambridge, David and Claud and Jim especially and kind remembrances to Cranage and Mrs Cr. I wonder what you’ll be doing about putting people up during the Summer Meeting.

Great love to you always, dearest Ruth. Your loving George

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 15 February 1923

Letter to Ruth Mallory from New York [Waldorf-Astoria, New York letterhead crossed out and ‘change of address to Flanders Hotel, 135 W 47th St. is written in Mallory’s hand]

He had moved hotel from the Waldorf-Astoria to the Flanders Hotel which was cheaper, and was where Reginald Poel was also staying. He’d spent the morning writing letters about his engagements and had sent his manuscript to the American publisher of the second Everest book who would type two copies one of which he would send to Arnold.

Went for the second time to the Morgan library to see the Boswell Letters and then had tea with Edith Watlen at the hotel.

He had spend the weekend in the Lawrentian hills at St. Marguerite with John Williams who was teaching him to ski. He broke a ski on the first run but managed to hire some. It was hard work but glorious fun. Clear days were delightful but it was very cold at night and most Canadians did not enjoy the cold. He stayed with the Williams who were kind but had now returned to New York which was depressing.

The lecture tour wasn’t coming off as the public interest wasn’t wide enough. He only had three more lectures arranged. Asks her not to be terribly disappointed as they would be poorer than he had hoped for a bit.

He had attended an interesting dinner party where there were two men in favour of France’s policy in the Rhur which was unusual in America. There was a rumour that Turkey had sunk a French submarine. He said it would be good if something like that would bring America into European affairs. There was no continuity in American foreign policy but they were so light hearted about the faults of their own politics that he despaired of it getting better.

Was glad to receive copies of the Manchester Guardian as there was no foreign news in the New York newspapers. Lack of understanding of the issues even among the educated but expected to find a different ‘mental atmosphere’ in Boston.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 16 March 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from the S.S. Caledonia [P. & O. S. N. Co. Letterhead]

Brief Summary
Been inoculated against typhoid so couldn't do exercise. Discusses book by Baudouin. Refers to Ghandi's arrest and strikes.

Detailed Summary
Nearing end of voyage and he had rather enjoyed myself. He had been rising early and sitting alone in the early sun. He was inoculated against typhoid two days ago and so was debarred from such activities as Max Mullers, ‘My System’, skipping and running because they were too painful. He was wearing the old khaki silk shirt she gave him and mended the other day, my shorts, and a pair of gym shoes.

Wants more seasoned silence and collected meditation. Gives a detailed criticism of Baudouin’s book, discussing the law of reversed effort and its potential application to children. He was going to send her the book and suggests she carefully read the part about the practices of auto-suggestion and suggests they practice this with Clare [daughter] to help with her little troubles of competitiveness with other children. Was also sending her back The Revision of the Peace Treaty which was well worth reading - one could skip some of the figures.

He expected to be in Bombay the next morning and refers to Ghandi’s arrest. They had heard in Aden of a general strike on the railways. He missed seeing the papers. Comments on the Curzon affair.

It had been a fortnight since he had left and he supposed the flowers were blooming in their garden at home. Asks her to report on specific plants to him and mentions Clutton-Brock and Beagly. His next letter would be from Darjeeling and should be more interesting, though he didn't expect there would be much time for writing.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 16-17 November 1918

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France

Wonders what Fletcher had done about applying for his return. He might be home within a few weeks or if the application failed then it might take 3 months.

They had no orders to move yet and so they might stay there until peace preliminaries had been signed. There was uncertainty as to where they would spend the winter. The weather was getting colder especially at night.

That morning a plane had flown low overhead and dropped somthing red. It was a parcel for him from Trafford wrapped in red bunting. Trafford was going to come the day after tomorrow to take him off in his car to stay with him.

Wasn’t sure where the oak tree was that she mentioned but they would be glad of the wood if they could cut it up and cart it off. How was she doing for coal? Doesn’t see why the coal ration shouldn’t now be increased. Was sorry to hear that Violet may leave them as they wouldn’t get anyone as good. Agreed that the immediate future would be a good time to get servants. Thought it unwise to get Maggie Dunsby unless she was stronger than she used to be.

17 November - she might ask Violet to stay and nurse Beridge until she is 2 years old. Hoped to be back in time to have some time before term started.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 17 May 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory from Camp 3.

Full Transcript

I write to you on the eve of our departure for the highest we can reach - just because I shall feel happier in case of difficulties to think that I have sent you a message of love. The difficulties will be such as we know in all human probability; our endurance and will to go on taking precautions are less known factors - but with such good people as these are I feel sure that we shall all be anxious to help each other and that after all, provided competent mountaineers is the great safeguard.

I have very good hopes with the coolies fit and cheerful that we shall establish a camp well above Chang La [North Col] the day after to-morrow- you realise I except that Norton and Morshead who came up the day I wrote to you last have joined S. [Somervell] and me, the four of us will be sleeping at the North Col to-morrow night and we hope about 25,000 the following night – and then!

I can’t say that I feel stronger for the days here (since the 12th) or weaker either for that matter. S [Somervell] says he went better up to Chang La [North Col] yesterday than on the 13th. Well it’s all on the knees of the gods and they are bare cold knees. We shan’t get to the top; if we reach the shoulder at 27400 it will be better than anyone here expects.

Dearest one, you must know that the spur to do my best is you and you again - in moments of depression or lack of confidence or overwhelming fatigue I want more than anything to prove worthy of you. All my love to you. Many kisses to Clare and Beridge, and John. Ever Your loving, George.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 18 April 1922

Letter from to Ruth Mallory, from ‘Tinkeye Dzong’.

Brief Summary
Delayed because Longstaff had been unwell. Photographed Gyanka mountains with Morshead and Somervell but it was cloudy. Finch gave oxygen demonstrations. Details of evening routine. No thought had been put into how they were to carry oxygen cylinders up and down. Outlined their plans for camps when they reached Everest.

Detailed Summary
Wonders what she is climbing with their good friends at Pen y Pass and is annoyed that he won’t know for a long time due to the time it takes for the mail to reach them.

Their journey had passed happily enough in warmer weather but they had to stay a second day because Longstaff was unwell. Thought Longstaff was ‘alarmingly frail’ but looked better today. He liked Longstaff very much but he didn’t have the physique for this job although he did carry it all through with his tremendous spirit.

The repetition of aesthetic experiences was not very stimulating. The march in sun and wind and the camp had a somnolent effect and he felt too much like an animal. However these two days had been full enough.

He had gone on a little expedition with Morshead and Somervell to photograph the Gyanka mountains but the clouds had spoilt the plan which was a disappointment and after the previous four days which had been marvellously clear (could distinguish details on Everest with the naked eye from Kampa Dzong over 100 miles away). He put on an amusing show when teaching the porters how to use the rope by tumbling down a little slope and pretending to fall into crevasses. He walked nearly an hour to visit some rocks where they had a strenuous little climb.

Finch gave oxygen demonstrations after tea largely for the benefit of the novices which showed up several weaknesses which had developed in the apparatus which they had used for practice on board the S.S. Caledonia. It could be adjusted but showed how many chances were against its working perfectly.

The evening routine consisted of dinner which was always an early meal (not later than 7pm) and they usually sat talking until 8.30pm when the party began to break up and he was usually in bed by 9pm or soon after. He was trying to learn a little Gurkali - enough to get on in some simple fashion with the porters, a matter which may be of some importance when they come to fix a camp on the North Col.

They talked a lot about the organisation for climbing Everest. General Bruce was under orders to try the oxygen but it was an interesting result of the haste in which the expedition had been equipped that no calculations had been made as to how they were to carry the whole weight of the oxygen cylinders and apparatus (8-900 lbs) up and down. He and Longstaff had been going into the question of organisation as General Bruce wanted to be ready with a plan when they fixed the base near the Rongbuk Glacier. From his past experience Longstaff knew more about this sort of thing than anyone else and he was very glad to find they were in agreement.

Thought it would take a fortnight to establish a camp on the North Col (my mid May) which would leave a month for operations. That sounded good but it would take another fortnight to get the oxygen to the North Col and they would also have to consider the next stage to a camp at about 25,000 ft. Thought the main trouble was a shortage of men to take supplies up to the different camps. They would also be hampered by insufficient tents and sleeping sacks and wouldn’t be able to leave them in the established camps and would have to carry the sleeping sacks at lease up and down. Didn’t want her to pass on this criticism of the equipment as he thought it had been remarkably well done.

Thinks he may have provided details which she would find difficult to follow. He wasn’t pessimistic. He wouldn’t write much more as the ink was trying to freeze. The party was getting on very well but he found Finch rather tiresome as he was always talking about science as practiced in his laboratory or about photography.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 19 October 1918

Letter to Ruth Mallory written from France

Fletcher had written asking him to take advantage of an Army Council order and return to Charterhouse. Had agreed to the application being made as soon as the Armistice was declared as he was keen to return as soon as possible. Asks her to tell the O'Malleys about it [they were tenants at the Holt] so they could find alternative accommodation.

Thanks her for the flour and advises about what cakes she should send out and at what intervals.

Likes the photo of her and Berry. Refers to comments she made in her last letter in which she said he made different appearances in her mind and that he thought they weren't all very agreeable. Asks whether he appears as a domestic tyrant irritable and unkind. Says things will be different when they are living together again and that she need not have any fears for the future.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 2 April 1924

Letter from George Mallory to Ruth from Yatung

Full Transcript

My dearest Ruth,

It seems I ought to get off a letter to you tomorrow morning in order to be certain of catching the mail. I don’t know that I have a very great deal to tell you. The great thing is that I have had your second letter & those from Clare & Berry. Dearest one I think it wonderful of you to settle down & be cheerful & enterprising and sociable. It must be difficult I know to start in with Cambridge life by yourself. You evidently managed to let Frances see something of life & she must have enjoyed herself; she kindly wrote me a note by this mail too. I am glad also to hear that Mr Blunt has not deserted as I rather feared he had done. It was good of him really to stay away when he felt that he couldn’t do much in the garden. I am sorry you have had such a cold March. I expect you will be very glad to enjoy some spring weather away from Cambridge.

All goes well with me. The march from Sedongchen to Gnathong [Gnatong] was glorious, Kanchenjunga & his neighbour appearing magnificently; I haven’t seen any distant mountain view before from this part & we counted ourselves very lucky. Gnathong [Gnatong] (12,500 ft) was not so cold this time, though the veranda was bunged up with snow, & from their [there] we made two easy stages here, stopping the night in a little rest house an hour down this side of Jelap La. Norton & I walked up to the pass (14,500 ft) together & were pleased to think that we felt fitter than last year. I certainly am feeling very fit now. I sleep long & well & can walk as fast as anyone.

We have had a few good signs of Spring – on the Sikkim side a most lovely little primula flourishing from 9,000 to 11,000 ft, with the habit of our English primrose only somewhat smaller & neater, and of a delicious crimson colour; and Rhododendron Falconeri, a big bright red fellow was flowering freely a bit lower. On this side we have another primula, denticulata, paler in colour & of the polyanthus type, very freely scattered over the meadows; & we have our old friend Daphne, I know not what species. The conifers too in this valley are all showing green.

It has been a wonderfully pleasant journey so far, with bright sun & pleasant conditions altogether. And it has been a very jolly company. We found the first contingent here no less happy than ourselves. The General (entrenous) has not been quite well & has stayed here today while Norton takes on the first party. The slack day here has been very pleasant. I have had a long ramble with Irvine.

I shall wish you Good Night & send this off brief as it is. Remember me to all my friends – but I forget you won’t be seeing them at present. I wonder where this letter will find you. It should reach you near about the 1st of May. Perhaps you have forgotten the significance of that date - will you think of me very specially on May 1 & may it be as good a day as it was in 1914.
Please thank Clare & Berry very much for their letters which I much enjoyed; & I liked the cards with flower pictures. It will be sometime yet before John can write me letters!

Now farewell dearest love. I waive you many kisses & see you smiling & happy & resolved so to be even during the month of May.

Ever your loving George.

I address this to Westbrook as I should like it to find you there & if you are with them will you please give my love to father Hugh & Marjorie; & in case you meet them remember me to Allen & Scott & the Fletchers. I shall be writing to Evelyn I hope. I am sorry for what you say about Alan, but a very young man’s view is generally exaggerated. I wish myself that A. would look tidier; I don’t know that it matters about his working provided he uses his mind somehow as he clearly does. My love to him when you see him.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 22 August 1921 [confirms North Col route to summit]

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead

Brief Summary
Pleased with his photographs and hopes to make some money giving lectures on his return home. He had been unwell and stayed in camp when Bullock had gone on alone but was unable to find a way through the valley. Morshead had arrived and the next day he el better so they joined up with Bullock. Describes their clims, camps and troubles with rations. They were successful in finding the route to the North Col and therefore the route to the summit.

Detailed Summary
He was pleased with his photography efforts and printing which would make excellent slides for lectures. Asks her to keep the prints very carefully. He had written to Hinks suggesting he should give some lectures during the winter. He would let the Committee consider the financial arrangements. Asks her if she would like an American tour. They had received no English mail since 21 July [one month prior] and wonders if floods in Tibet had caused the delay. Says he was no longer in poor health and suspects he had tonsilitis.

Bullock had gone off alone reconnoitring and Morshead had arrived the same morning. He had received a chit from Bullock explaining that the valley would not lead to Everest. He spent the day in bed feeling weak, but the next morning was feeling much stronger. Describes his walk up the first valley to the left with Morshead. He didn’t expect to find a valley leading directly to the north col at the foot of the ridge they wanted to climb. He judged they might find a good way to Everest in that direction.

15 August - Continued trekking with Bullock, met the porters, brought down the tents, and took them a long way up the valley which he and Morshead had reconnoitred. There were complications in the march which caused delays and they ending up short of where he wanted to be with no view of their way. They had an uncomfortable camp perched on a stony hillside with snow falling persistently all evening.

16 August - They followed the ridge above them to the top of a small peak (20,500 ft) which was a 1,700 ft rise in an hour an a quarter. They had a good view point and had a clear hour for photography. They had vague hopes of reaching their objective which was a distant snow col in direct line with the north peak, but then had to descend nearly 1,000 ft and it was bad going over a big glacier. There was thick mist all round them and he felt very, tired with a nasty headache. As it was clearly hopeless they turned back. They reached camp late and it was snowing persistently but they knew where they wanted to go and how to get there.

17 August - A very hesitating move with much discussion of what they might and might not do. The rationing arrangement had broken down badly and they were short of food. He blamed it on the incompetence of the sirdar [sardar] at their base camp. They decided to go on next day with only one porter and sent the rest down to the camp below. They hoped to reach their snow col while the snow was still hard but it was a dim hope because they knew fresh snow had fallen and it was always difficult to estimate how much. They needed their snowshoes despite them being heavy on a long march and having to lift a considerable amount of snow on the snowshoe and it being worse for the leader than anyone following.

They reached the col where there were snow covered rocks above the icefall. It was not an agreeable way of passing time. For most of the time they were enveloped in a thin mist which obscured the view and made, one world of snow and sky.

Morshead, who knew the hottest heat of the plains in India, had said that he had never felt any heat so intolerable as this. They continued plodding on and needed a tremendous and continually conscious effort of the lungs. Up the steep final slopes he found it necessary to stop and breath as hard as he could for a short space in order to gain sufficient energy to push up a few more steps. Bullock and the porter had struggled on behind him and Morshead fell out near the top but re-joined them on the col. The clouds hid the peaks when they got there but the expedition had been a success. As they suspected there was a glacier running north from a cwm under the north east face of Everest. He wished it had been possible to follow it down and find out the secret of its exit. He describes the head of the glacier and that across it lay their way, across easy snow up the other side of the cwm where the approach to the north col, the long wished for goal, could not be difficult nor even long.

As they came down his thoughts were full of this prospect and this success. He didn't know when he had allowed himself so much enjoyment from a personal achievement. This success brought their reconnaissance to an end as they had found the way and they were now planning the attack.

These thoughts were needed during the hours that followed to stimulate the mind as it was the most dismal of processions. Morshead had been cooked going up to the col and later was in a state of collapse. The porters had all left their high camp, leaving three tents standing but they were cold and without provisions so they continued to the base. When daylight failed they missed their way and were compelled to make an arduous ascent up a steep rough hillside. A faint misty moonlight made it possible to step from boulder to boulder but Morshead was compelled to rest at frequent intervals. They continued until 2 am. He came in as fit and strong as ever after a long day in the hills and ate a hearty meal in my dry warm sleeping slack before lying down for untroubled sleep.

He organisation the camps and fuel supply before they went down to the expedition base at Kharta and waited on the weather while organising their push to the summit. He had been told that the monsoon should break at the end of the month and a fine spell should set in with September. [Bad weather ultimately delayed any progress for almost a month].

He was happy and full of the object in front of him although there were many times when his mind was full of her and home.

The expedition was short of candles and a little oil lamp constructed out of a vaseline pot was his light.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 26 January 1923

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, from Washington

He was writing from bed having packed and was ready for an early start next morning. His first two lectures were over and he had been busy finishing his chapters and revising his lecture for an American audience and including some of Somerville's slides. The audience at the first lecture were unresponsive and didn't clap when he meant them to and almost never laughed but he just held their attention. Afterwards they had shaken his hand like it was a great success. In contrast the evening lecture was very successful.

He wants to hear from her but hasn't yet and sent great love to Clare and Beridge and John and Avie.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 29 March 1924

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory from Rongli Chu.

Full Transcript

My dearest One,

This is the great day of valley-ease & warmth & languor & the delights of the lotus-eater, & I must write to you here with my feet in the splashing stream & heaven all about me as I look up. We started from Pedong this morning – sloped easily down the 2,000 ft to the stream where I bathed last time while Noel immortalised the event; there Irvine, Odell & I bathed, properly this time, even finding a pool to dive into, and at length. Thence on ponies up to Rheenok - you should be able to follow all this on one of my old maps of Sikhim [Sikkim] – where I made some attempts at photographing the remarkable houses, & thence, not up over the pass by Ari to get here by the shortest way, but contouring the hill until we could drop into this valley 6 miles below the bungalow. It is a very lovely valley, quite one of the best parts of Sikhim [Sikkim], & we had a good walk up, quite energetically carrying heavyish rucksacks. I was wearing my new boots for the first time for a whole march & found them pretty comfortable, my ankle & hip are all going quite well too, so that I quite expect by the time we reach Phari I shall have ceased to think about them.

The weather is perfectly fine but very hazy owing to the great number of fires in the valleys. It is the custom of the country to burn a good deal of undergrowth in the forests & dead leaves in order to get better new grass in the spring – but I can’t remember anything like so much haze as this last year. Consequently we have had nothing at all of a view all the way from Darjeeling & the country is looking more dry & dead than last year; it has in fact been very dry; I hear there has been exceptionally little snow in Tibet & the plains are already beginning to look green – but this is hardly credible. Incidentally, there are sights of a change of weather this afternoon but then we had a thunderstorm in Kalimpong which made absolutely no difference!

It has apart from views been a pleasant journey so far. We started in motors for 6 miles from Darjeeling & half way down the hill Norton, Hingston, Somervell & self had breakfast with a tea planter called Lister – it is a famous tea garden I believe & he certainly gave us to drink Orange Pekoe of the most delicious flavour (a series of violent slashes at this point). After that pleasant interval we took all the short cuts hurrying down to Tista Bridge, where we arrived dripping & found our ponies; my pony which is to carry me to Phari is quite a good beast – the best I have had at this stage & my saddle is comfortable & I feel very well off altogether -; we went straight up the hill on our ponies & were in Kalimpong at 1.30 for tiffin.

At Kalimpong next day last times performances were repeated – a “tamasha” for boy scouts & girl guides & a wonderful little ceremony in the big school room with all of us on the platform singing the metrical version of Psalm 121 to the tune of Old Hundredth, & prayers, & speech making divine/mixed. Old Dr Graham is really a wonder, & if one were going to be a missionary one couldn’t do better. He has between 6 & 700 children, mostly by bastards or children of ne’er-do-well parents & does them well all round. When the old Scot is short of money he goes down to Calcutta & collects a few batches of rupees from the big businessmen who all know & believe in him & his institutions flourish.

I think I told you the names of the 2nd party, but omitted Odell. Shebbeare the forest officer is an excellent fellow; we went a little walk into the forest above Pedong last evening & we saw quite close a very fine jungle cat, about as high as Raven but with the propositions of Agapanthus or rather perhaps of the other Westbrook cat, which it does resembled in colour – S. didn’t get a very good view of it & couldn’t tell me what it was; but it is extraordinary how it makes the whole forest seem alive to see a beast like that. We couldn’t be a nicer party – at least I hope the others would say the same; we go along our untravelled way in happiest fashion.
Since I began writing the air has become unbearably stuffy & a thunderstorm is brewing. The one crab about this place is that there is no water supply which is at all likely to unpolluted – & so one drinks tea, but our tiffin tea has left me very thirsty & I long for a long lemon squash or whisky & soda. You see how completely a physical animal one has become.

I’m spending a certain amount of time & effort as we come along learning Hindustani; it is very unsatisfactory because the coolies themselves are so bad at it; but I do find already that I get on with them more easily. We shall be very short of men who can speak to porters higher up. Irvine, Odell & Beetham, none of them know a word yet.

Dearest I’m really enjoying myself now with a good holiday feeling. If I were not I should be still feeling grieved with the world because no letter has yet reached me from you. Anyway after four marches I will receive a mail. Tomorrow’s march is all up hill to Sedongchen & the next, still up to Gnatong (12,500), is the great rhododendron march, but only the very lowest will be in flower. I have in mind another little detour, by the way of variety, from Kupup, diverging to the Natu La instead of Jelap La as before.

Dear girl I think of you often & often with ever so much love & wish for your company. Would there were some way of bringing you nearer. I think the nearness depends very much upon the state of ones imagination. When it boils up as it does sometimes at night, under the stars I could almost whisper in you ear; and even now dear I do feel near you, though my state is loggish & I come very near to kissing you.

My love to Clare & Berry & John & best of all to yourself.
Ever your loving, George.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 8 March 1923

Letter to Ruth Mallory from ‘Hotel Seneca, Rochester, New York’ [Letterhead], with envelope

Planned to sail home on the Saxonia, March 31. Makes arrangements for meeting her when he arrived.

He had given a lecture in a museum in Philadelphia to a good audience, then a took train to Toledo where he gave a lecture before travelling to Buffalo. He saw Niagara and had arrived in Rochester where he was due to give a lecture that evening before leaving for Chicago. He then planned to go to Iowa City for a lecture but was disappointed it was far from his dream of seeing the Pacific Coast.
Had two more lectures booked in Hanover, New Hampshire, and Boston and possibly in one or two schools which was a very
disappointing affair.

Planned to make a detour on his return to New York and visit his Uncle Wilfred in Toronto.

He was sorry she was worried about money and promised to write to Hinks at once. The garage was more expensive than he anticipated. They would have to be careful about money. He was doing all he could to make some. He had written an article for a magazine called Asia and he thought the Everest Committee owed him about £180 and he had not been paid yet for the Everest book. The was some money due form the lectures he had given and there was a possibility of lecturing in England although he wasn’t much disposed to take on more than an occasional one.

He hoped Clare and Beridge had received the post card he sent from Niagara. The weather was bad when he visited with an east wind followed by a blizzard. Even so the rushing water was wonderfully impressive. The Canadian Horseshoe Falls were the best. The American falls were dirty and disappointing and much under the influence of the town Niagara which was abdominally smelly and smoky.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 9 June 1921

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written from Trenkye [Tinki] Dzong, on ‘Mount Everest Expedition’ Letterhead

Responds to contents in her letters from 6-10 May mentioning the Hodges, Clare, Bridget’s son, Mary Ann and Stephen. He was feeling happier. He had been nailing the porter's boots. He had planned a two day expedition with Bullock to climb up to about 20,000 ft and see the N. E. face of Everest and had avoided telling Howard-Bury. Morshead had now joined the group. Describes a hill walk and a fragrant flower which he enclosed in the letter hoping it still had some of its scent.

He planned to take photos of the mountain range as they were now in a country which no European had previously visited. The rest of the party were quite cheerful. The food provisions were not proving expensive. Tells her not to be hopeless about the expedition as they may yet do very well. He would think of her on her birthday tomorrow.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 9 May 1921

Letter to Ruth Mallory, written aboard the S.S. Sardinia, ‘Approaching Calcutta'

Brief Summary
Would think of her on her birthday. Had sent a parcel including beads, lace collars for the children and a seed necklace. Had spend 48 hours with the Vernon's in Madras. Describes first impressions of life in India. No-one had met him at Calcutta. Made arrangements to travel to Darjeeling that evening to meet up wit the rest of the party (except Dr Kellas).

Detailed Summary
Hopes the letter would reach Ruth in time for her birthday and would think of her on that day. He had sent a parcel from Colombo and he wants her to keep what she’d like but wasn't sure whether she would like the beads. He had sent three lace collars for the children and a seed necklace for Beridge. The other object in the parcel was a garland presented by some of the natives to Mrs Vernon which he thought Franz might have.

They had spent 48 hrs in Madras where he stayed with the Vernons. It had been a great comfort to get ashore [encloses a photo of the house]. Describes the house in detail which was typical of the better houses. He was delighted by his first sight of Indian life, which he intended describing in his journal. Madras was flat like a garden and it was very hot. He hadn’t been feeling fully well but now was feeling quite fit again. He had walked by himself through the native quarters of Madras which had been thrilling. They were within eight miles of Calcutta and so should be well up the river tonight and at their place of dis-embarkment in the morning.

The voyage had been detestable relieved by occasional moments which he wouldn’t have missed for anything. He had done his Muller exercises that morning. He could never forget how brave, unselfish and loving she had been about the project. Asks after John and wants their children to know he often thought of them. Would it be worthwhile having the leaves from his journal typed as he feared they were difficult.

[Postscript] - Contrary to expectation no one had met him in Calcutta despite having received a letter on board ship from Howard-Bury saying arrangements had been made. He was also told that he must act independently at the same time. He contacted a survey officer and walked two miles through the docks in the heat of the day to square the customs. He was due to start for Darjeeling that evening [18 hour train ride from Calcutta to Darjeeling]. He was to stay with the Governor of Bengal but wasn't looking forward to official circles. The rest of the group were at Darjeeling except Kellas who was last heard of as having climbed a mountain on 5 April and Raeburn was anxious about him.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 1 December 1918

Describes her morning activities and gives him news from Avie. Reflects that she has not had a letter from him for awhile. Updates him on her health. Describes trying to recruit Montessori class members. Expresses her difficulties in trying to read when there are people around. Describes in detail the nature of Clare's intelligence and expresses her desire that he take an interest in talking to Clare when he is home. Updates him on Berry's progress.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 11 December 1918

Acknowledges his letter and discusses him buying a picture and asking the artist to paint Clare. Reflects on making friends unexpectedly. Expresses her wish to learn French. Describes in detail the Labour meeting about the League of Nations and gives her opinions of it. Updates him on news from Mary and Berry's progress.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 11 November 1918

Writes of her anticipation to hear the news of peace. Discusses moving back to the Holt. Asks him to try and get home as soon as he can. Informs him that the bells have been rung for peace. Describes in detail the atmosphere at Church and in the streets with people celebrating, waving flags, and singing. Expresses her hopes that Clare will remember that day. Updates him on her progress in recruiting Mrs Trew to help with the Montessori classes and recruiting members. Describes a conversation with Bridget and Mary Anne. Hopes that she has articulated how happy and thankful she is with the peace.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 12 December 1918

Asks him if she should write to the Headmaster to speed his discharge up. Tells him where and when she is staying in London and who she has arranged to meet. Updates him on Mary Anne's moving arrangements. Describes how the electric engine is not working and the weather. Informs him she is expecting the new cook to visit. Reflects on what their life might look like once he is home.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 13 October 1918

Discusses the peace terms given by President Wilson. Describes the weather and her plan to go to Church. Tells him about learning poetry to read to Clare. Describes her relationship with Berry. Tells him about the visitors they've had that afternoon. Expresses her opinions about people's attitudes to peace talks. Mentions finishing her book on the French Revolution.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 16 November 1918

Informs him she has had a second round of influenza and that she is still on bed rest. Expresses her hopes that he will be home soon. Acknowledges his last letters and expresses her happiness that he has seen Trafford and Geoffrey Keynes. Updates him on Berry's progress and her father's health. Expresses her love for him.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 16 October 1918

Discusses financial matters. Informs him of an invitation from Mr and Mrs Harold Wilson and Mrs Henry Cox to meet Lieutenant Commander and Mrs W. Arnold-Forster, which she intends to decline. Reflects on the time they will spend with friends together after the war. Discusses how they will manage to live at the Holt financially. Discusses the progress of the war. Expresses her hope that the O'Malley's will stay in the neighbourhood. Asks him if he has started shooting yet. Expresses her opinions on the book she is reading.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 17 October 1918

Discusses in detail the patterns for his curtains. Updates him on her father and Berry's health. Describes what she has been reading in the Oxford Book. Wonders what it would be like to live on a farm. Discusses becoming a member of the Montessori Society and visiting their schools in London. Tells him she has decided on the fabric and pattern for his curtain.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 18 December 1918

Describes her activities shopping, going to lunch, and visiting friends. Tells him about her conversation with Ka regarding speaking to a man at the Ministry of Labour to get him brought back to Charterhouse as a solider. Updates him on Ka and Will's news. Describes her journey home on a wine cart. Acknowledges his letter telling her not to use the spare room as a nursery. Asks him if he can order reading glasses.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 19 November 1918

Acknowledges his last letter. Updates him on her health. Tells him she has heard from Jelly and updates him on her news. Describes reading about the fight against the submarine warfare of the Germans. Updates him on Berry's progress. Tells him about the seriousness of the flu in Guildford and the deaths they have had there. Discusses the mutiny of the German navy.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 20 December 1918

Tells him about Clare and Beridge attending a party at the Holt. Describes Violet's reaction to receiving her five pound bonus. Describes making a necklace for Marjorie. Asks him for reading suggestions and expresses what she would like to read. Tells him she would have liked to vote in his place. Asks him where in Calais is he located and expresses her fears of him being assigned another task that will keep him from coming home. Expresses her opinions about party politics. Discusses the nature of their friend's marriages and openness of their lives. Tells him she will always use the baby welfare group for doctor's advice because it is paid for by the rates. Sends him Christmas wishes.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 21 November 1918

Acknowledges his letter and expresses her hopes that he will be home soon. Discusses the coal situation at the Holt. Describes her surroundings. Discusses in detail her opinions about the German and Russian Revolutions. Describes playing with the children. Expresses her happiness that Mr Fletcher has applied for his leave. Tells him that Mildred will not be allowed to go to France to live with Bob.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 21 October 1918

Updates him on news from his mother's letter about the health of Avie and Doris. Tells him she had a nice weekend with Olive. Discusses in detail her opinions of the book Natural Law in the Spiritual World. Expresses her concern for her religious life and discusses the ways she can improve it. Updates him on Clare and Berry's progress. Discusses Clare's character and her relationship with Berry. Discusses the progress of the war.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 22 December 1918

Expresses her disappointment that he may not be home for another nine months. Recommends that he write to Mr Beveridge and Mr Fletcher about his leave. Discusses arrangements for the Holt in his continued absence. Asks him for his opinion about the Government's organisation of demobilisation. Expresses her gratitude for him surviving the war and her disappointment that it is taking so long for him to come home. Asks him what the French organisation for demobilisation is like. Discusses her opinions on Neitsche and Christianity and the merits of living alone.

Letter from Ruth to George Mallory, 22 November 1918

Acknowledges his last letter and discusses Trafford's character and how he might get on after the war. Apologises for him not receiving any parcels while she was ill with influenza and tells him the contents of his next parcel. Expresses her anxieties over starting the Montessori class and the slowness of the postal service. Discusses how to give the appropriate amount of time to the children and their plans for moving back to the Holt.

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