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Wakefield, Arthur William (1876-1949), medical officer and mountaineer
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Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, March 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from the S.S. Caledonia [P. & O. S. N. Co. Letterhead]

Brief Summary
Life on board ship. Opinion on use of oxygen. Opinion of colleagues. Watched porpoises.

Detailed Summary
They were all getting along happily enough. There was a good deal of scientific discussion around the subject of breathing oxygen. Wakefield was somewhat distrustful of the whole affair and sometimes irritated by Finch who was dogmatic in his statements. In this company he was amused by Finch. Was much intrigued by the shape of his head which seemed to go out at the sides where it ought to go up. He was a fanatical character and didn't laugh easily. He greatly enjoyed his oxygen class.

The oxygen drill was being abandoned and so they would hear less on the subject, which was extremely interesting and Finch had been very competent about it. Refers to a full page hand drawing by Somervell, entitled ‘Homeward Bound' [included on the next page of the letter] which showed an unfortunate man whose apparatus had broken and so he was forced to go down taking the oxygen straight from the bottle.

At his first meeting with Strutt, which took place at the Alpine Club, he thought him a dry, stiff solider but he was rather a chatterbox and quite entertaining though never profound. He describes Strutt’s diplomatic role with a mission to Denikin’s army [Russian Lt. Gen Anton Denikin] and an Austrian prince and was High Commissioner in Danzig or some big town in the Baltic. Over one affair Curzon tried to get him court marshalled as a traitor to his country so he concluded he must be a good man.

He had enjoyed good talk, especially with Noel who he particularly liked. The Everest film should be worth £15,000 for foreign rights alone, which gave him some hope that there would be generous terms to the lectures.

Further describes life on the ship, the warm weather and the sunset. The bugle sounded warning them to dress for dinner. He had to go and bathe as he had been playing deck cricket. He slept with a fan in his cabin and thought how romantic a voyage could be if one was lazy enough. If she were there he would take quite a lot of interest in the phosphorescence of the water, the dolphins, whales, sharks, the flying fishes, and all the rest.

[Continues next morning] - previous night he had watched porpoises in the sea which kept pace with them. His porthole and door had closed overnight so the fan was just churning round the same old air and it was very stuffy.

She was very brave about his going away and she wouldn't be dull without him. He will have to wait a long time to hear news from her and wonders if they will still be in Darjeeling when the mail arrives. Many supplies were still on their way notably the oxygen cylinders.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 9 June 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory describing the Avalanche in which 7 porters were killed.

Full Transcript

My dearest Ruth, I will answer what I imagine to be your first thought - it was a wonderful escape for me & we may indeed be thankful for that together. Dear love when I think what your grief would have been I humbly thank God I am alive.

/ It’s difficult to get it all straight in my mind. The consequences of my mistake are so terrible; it seems almost impossible to believe that it has happened for ever & that I can do nothing to make good. There is no obligation I have so much wanted to honour as that of taking care of these men; they are children where mountain dangers are concerned & they do so much for us; and now through my fault seven of them have been killed. I must try to tell you how the accident happened. But remember dearest one, not that I can imagine for a moment you would be harsh in your judgement that though I may have been mistaken I was neither reckless about the whole party nor careless about the coolies in particular.

When we started from the Base Camp on June 3 the clouds were thickening & it was evident that very soon the monsoon would be upon us; but none can say how soon in such circumstances the monsoon will make climbing impossible. I walked up half despondently with Finch to No 1 Camp; he was clearly quite unfit & could barely reach the camp. Next morning he went back to the Base leaving Somervell & me for the high climbing with Wakefield and Crawford to be back us up.

During the night of the 3rd snow fell heavily & continued on the 4th. We spent a cold day in the poor shelter at Camp 1, a little hut with walls about 3 ft 6 in high built of the stones that lay about there & roofed with the outer fly of Whymper tent. The white snow dust blew in through the chink & one wondered naturally, Isn’t it mere foolishness to be attempting Everest now that the snow has come? It was clear that if we were to give up the attempt at once no one would have a word to say against our decision. But it seemed to me too early to turn back & too easy - we should not be satisfied afterwards. It would not be unreasonable to expect a spell of fair weather after the first snow as there was last year; this might give us our chance at last, a calm day in the balance between the prevailing west wind & the south east monsoon current. And if we were to fail how much better I thought to be turned back by a definite danger or difficulty on the mountain itself.

On the 5th will too [many crossed through] much cloud still hanging about the glacier we went up in one long march to Camp 3 - a wet walk in the melting snow & with some snow falling. At the camp not less than a foot of snow covered everything. The tents which had been struck but not packed up contained a mixture of ice, snow, & water; more than one was badly rent in putting it up. The prospects were not very hopeful.

There was no question of doing anything on the 6th, the best we asked for was a warm day’s rest. We had a clear day of brilliant sunshine, the warmest by far that any of us remembered at camp 3. The snow solidified with amazing rapidity; the rocks began to appear about our camp; and though the side of Everest facing us looked cold & white we had the satisfaction of observing during the greater part of the day a cloud of snow blown from the North Ridge. It would not be long at that rate before it was fit to climb.
The heavy snow of the 4th & 5th affected our plans in two ways. As we should have to expect heavier work high up we should have hardly a chance of reaching the top without oxygen, & in spite of Finch’s absence with his expert knowledge we decided to carry up ten cylinders with the two apparatus used by Finch and G. Bruce to our old camp established on the first attempt at 25,000 ft; so far we should go without oxygen; in taking up the camp (one of the 2 Mummery tents & the sleeping sacks) another 1000 ft we might find it advisable to use each one cylinder; in any case we should have 4 cylinders each to carry on with us next day.

Our chief anxiety was to provide for the safety of the [‘coolies’ crossed out] porters. We hoped the conditions might be good enough to send them down by themselves to the North Col; & it was arranged that Crawford should meet them at the foot of the ridge to conduct them properly roped over the crevasses to Camp 4; there they would remain until we came back from the higher camp & all would go down together. Crawford was also to arrange for the conduct of certain superfluous porters who were to come up to Camp 4 but not stay there across the steep slope below the camp, the one place which in the new conditions might prove dangerous. With these plans we thought we might move up from Camp IV on the 4th day of fine weather should the weather hold, & still bring down the party safely whatever the monsoon might do. A change of weather was to be feared sooner or later, but we were confident we could descend the North Ridge from our high camp in bad weather if necessary, & three of us, or if Wakefield came up, four, would then be available to shepherd the coolies down from the North Col.

But the North Col has first to be reached. With the new snow to contend with we should have hard work; perhaps it would take us more than one day; the steep final slope might be dangerous; we should perhaps find it prudent to leave our loads below it & come up easily enough in our frozen tracks another day.
We set out from Camp 3, Somervell Crawford, & I with 14 porters at 8 a.m. on the 7th. A party including four of the strongest porters were selected to lead the way over the glacier. They did splendid work trudging the snow with loads on their backs; but it took us two hours to the foot of the great snow wall & it was 10.15 a.m. when Somervell, I, one porter, & Crawford, roped up in that order, began the ascent. We found no traces at first of our previous tracks, & were soon crossing a steep ice slope covered with snow. It was remarkable that the snow adhered so well to this slope, where we had found bare ice before, that we were able to get up without cutting steps. In this harmless place we had tested the snow & were more than satisfied.
Higher up the angle eases off & we had formally walked up at comparatively gently angels in the old snow until it was necessary to cross the final step slope below Camp 4.

Now we had to content with snow up to our knees. Crawford relieved Somervell & then I took a turn. About 1.30 p.m. I halted & the porters following in three parties came up with us. Somervell who was the least tired among us now went ahead continuing in our old line & still on gentle slopes about 200 ft below some blocks of fallen ice which mark the final traverse to the left over steeper ground. I was following up in the steps last on our rope of four when at 1.50, I heard a noise not unlike an explosion of untamped gunpowder. I had never before been [knew crossed out] near an avalanche of snow: but I knew the meaning of that noise as though I were accustomed to hear it every day. In a moment I observed the snow’s surface broken only a few yards away to the right & instinctively moved in that direction. And then I was moving downward. Somehow I managed to turn out from the slope so as to avoid being pushed headlong & backwards down it. For the briefest moment my chances seemed good as I went quietly sliding down, with the snow, Then the rope at my waist tightened & held me back. A wave of snow came over me. I supposed that the matter was settled. However I thrust out my arms to keep them above the snow & at the same time tried to raise by back, with the result that when after a few seconds the motion stopped I felt little pressure from the snow & found myself on the surface.
The rope was still tight about my waist & I imagined that the porter tied on next one must be deeply buried; but he quickly emerged near me no worse off than myself. Somervell & Crawford too were quite close to me & soon extricated themselves, apparently their experiences were much the same as mine. And where were the [rest crossed through] porters, we asked? Looking down over the broken snow we saw one group some distance below us. Presumably the rest must be buried somewhere between us & them. No sign of them appeared; and those we saw turned out to be the group who had been immediately behind us. Somehow they must have been caught in a more rapid stream & carried down a hundred feet further than us. They pointed below them; the others were down there.

It became only too plain as we hurried down that the men we saw were standing only a little way above a formidable drop. The others had been carried over. We found the ice cliff to be from 40 ft to 60 ft high, the crevasse below it was filled up with the avalanche snow & these signs enough to show us that the two missing parties of four & five were buried under it. From the first we entertained little hope of saving them. The fall alone must have killed the majority, & such proved to be the case as we dug out the bodies. Two men were rescued alive & were subsequently found to have sustained no severe injuries; the remaining seven lost their lives /.

There is the narrative - the bare facts, on separate sheets for your convenience - not my letter to you but a more impersonal account explaining our plans & their fatal conclusion. I hope it will suffice to let you understand what we were about. You may read between the lines how anxious I was about the venture. S. [Somervell] & I knew enough about Mount Everest not to treat so formidable a mountain contemptuously. But it was not a desperate game, I thought, with the plans we made. Perhaps with the habit of dealing with certain kinds of danger one becomes accustomed to measuring some that are best left unmeasured & untried. But in the end I come back to my ignorance; one generalises from too few observations & what a lifetime it requires to know all about it! I suppose if we had known a little more about conditions of snow here we should not have tried those slopes – [but crossed through] and not knowing we supposed too much from the only experience we had. The three of us were deceived; there wasn’t an inkling of danger among us. //

Writes again on ‘June 14’ [one week after avalanche] – In the interval since I began writing we have packed up our traps and are on our way down - actually I am sitting in a sheltered nook above that little patch of vegetation by the stream above Chobu [village], & it is raining softly which many account for some curious mark on the paper. I don’t want you to think dearest that I am in perpetual gloom over the accident. One has to wear a cheerful face & be sociable in a company such as we are. But my mind does go back very often to the terrible consequences of our attempt with great sadness.

I think it would be a good thing to send a copy of my narrative to a few climbing friends. Claude, to show to his climbing party, David & Herbert Reade. It won’t be of great interest to people who aren’t climbers I should suppose, but one might be circulated to my family too if you think they would like it. I have written to my father & to Geoffrey Young, Younghusband (very briefly) & Frank Fletcher. Please also send the account to Farrar asking him to read it and send it back to you (I don’t much want it to become an official document in the A.C., or at least not yet). And in circulating the narrative you will quote my remarks on p. 7 between marks //.

I don’t know whether you will have got the hang of our plans & arrangements. The reason for going to Kharta is really that the General wants to see that part of the country; the excuse that we want to collect flowers & birds & beasts. I had the chance of going back straight from here, but the chance of seeing the early flowers over the other side was too good to be missed & I’m still hoping to get back after a week or ten days there by a short cut through the corner of Nepal which would be a very interesting journey though extremely wet & should land me in Darjeeling before the middle of July. However that depends much on transport arrangements & I want to get someone to come with me who understands these lingos- perhaps Norton. My possible dates for leaving Bombay are 22nd, 29th July and 1st and 5th of Aug. I shall avoid the 29th if possible as it is a small boat P&O & I would sooner take the Trieste boat on the 1st & come overland. The 22nd is too early in all probability & the 5th (also P&O) is the best boat they have which is a consideration when meeting the monsoon. If I come by P&O I shall probably come to London; anyway I’ll wire giving simply a date (i.e. that of leaving Bombay) and write or wire again from Marseilles or Venice. I’ve been thinking much since your last letter dated April 22 etc. what we would like best to do in early autumn. PyP [Pen-y-Pass] is always attractive & it would be a very pleasant little party; I think we must wait to fix that if we feel like it. Prima facie I’m more in favour of breaking new ground & Richmond in early September might be perfect if Mill [Ruth's sister Mildred?] wants us. I suppose Bob has a job at Catterick; lucky man; he might teach me to fish in those dale streams. I’ve always wanted to go to Richmond.
I’m glad you like the book on botany & find it helpful; we shall be too late to make much use of it together this year, but it’s a thing we must do together sometime – I mean to learn much more about flowers for our children’s sake if for no other reason. But there is another reason; - there is a little shrub in front of me now most prettily blooming with a pink flower, not unlike a rather stiff & thorny rosemary, only the flower is more chartered - which I should much like to introduce into our garden but I can’t tell it’s species.

We are in much reduced company now - Strutt, Longstaff, Finch, & Morshead went off to Darjeeling retracing our steps, about a week ago, & Norton, G. Bruce to Kharta, where we shall rejoin them. I’m much distressed about Morshead’s hands. I fear he’s certain to lose at least the tips (i.e. 1st joints) of 3 fingers on the right hand; & he had a good deal of pain too. G.B. [G. Bruce] writes that his toes are troublesome, but no great harm was done there, & Norton, who was quite knocked out by our climb & a dispirited man after it he has now discovered that what he thought were bruises in the soles of his feet are really frostbite & bad enough to prevent him walking seriously. My finger has almost recovered except for a black nail, so I got off very lightly.
I must finish this off for a mail which is to go off at once. Please give my love to your Father & Marby [written up the side margin:] and make the understand as far as possible about the accident. Many hugs and kisses to the children and endless love to you dearest one. Your Loving, George.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 7 March 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from the S.S. Caledonia [P. & O. S. N. Co. Letterhead]

Brief Summary
Life on board ship - pass times of sport and reading. Finch demonstrated oxygen apparatus. Opinion of colleagues.

Detailed Summary
Describes daily life on board. Members of the expedition party were happy smiling company with plenty of easy conversation.

Every morning George Finch gave a demonstration of the oxygen apparatus and they practised adjusting the valves.

Describes the old ship and his cabin in a smelly corner. He had finished Keynes’s book, mentions exercise and shares thoughts on his colleagues. Deck tennis had so far provided some amusement – Wakefield and Somervell were both keen. Finch rigged up punch-ball and was behaving very well so far. He was liking the bunch very well and not least Noel who has done quite a lot of lonely wandering and is reserved and interesting about his experiences. He had written an article for the Blackie Encyclopaedia which he doubted was what they wanted but said the important thing was that they should send a cheque for £10.

The following day they were due in Port Said. He planned to send the letter from there along with the book Night and Day, asking her to try and read it. Asks if there was a big gap now he had gone and hoped she could put away the loneliness as she had the children with her. He hated the fact they weren't together. He had been thinking again about going to America and she must go with him if he did.

He had a photograph of her and of the children with him and asks that if anyone takes new ones then she should send them on to him.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 6-8 April 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from Phari.

Brief Summary
Details journey. Had a cold. Was in charge of climbing equipment. Had helped Noel develop photos and cinema films. Was awaiting new boots. Low opinion of Howard-Bury's book about the 1921 Reconnaissance expedition. Opinion of Wakefield and Strutt. Glad to have received money from RGS.

Detailed Summary
He had received two of her letters and was now in bed, alone in a 40 lb tent after having stayed in a bungalow, which was made to hold four and there were eleven of them. There was an inch of snow on the ground outside but he was warm in his sleeping bag and well wrapped in his lamb’s wool jacket.

Tibet was less disagreeable than he expected. When they entered the plains there was no fierce wind and the sun was warm, and the night air was no colder than it was nearly two months later the previous year. He was surprised to experience a friendly feeling towards this bleak country on seeing it again. He still had the cold with which he had left Darjeeling. He felt the height a bit at Gnatong after the 10,000 ft rise and none of them were at their best there, but coming up again after the two days at Yatung (9,500 ft) was exhilarating.

They had a busy day sorting stores and it was his job to look after all the climbing equipment. They had about 900 packages so it was not easy to lay hands on any particular one. He was able to help Noel with developing photos, some of which were very good and had also helped with the cinema films. He describes Noel’s camera equipment and developing process in detail.

[7 April] - English mail had arrived and he had received a copy of the Manchester Guardian Weekly, but had not got the shoes that were promised. He was wearing out his climbing boots so had written to Farrar to hurry them up. The second lot of proofs of the Everest book had arrived containing the end of Howard-Bury’s story which was worse if possible than the second part. There were quite a number of remarks pointing to their weaknesses and he provides specific examples of what Howard-Bury wrote involving Wheeler, himself and Morshead, and Bullock, without mentioning the ultimate success of their expedition. On the larger issues of the reconnaissance he had not been unfair to him but he didn’t like sharing a book with that sort of man. Asks her to subscribe to a Press Cutting Agency as he would like to see the reviews.

He was going to postpone giving a complete account of the various members of the party as he hoped that may come out in degrees. They all got along very nicely with the possible exception of Wakefield. Despite having some criticisms Wakefield was a really good man. Strutt was much too easily put off by petty discomforts and he doubted if he would turn out to be a helpful person, although he did get on with him very well. Norton was one of the best. Morshead was naturally more his friend than anyone.

It was extraordinarily difficult to settle down and write at length with so much bustle going on and continual interruptions and he had wasted some part of the morning taking photos. He liked her letter very much and provides responses to the topics in her letter, mentioning Stuart Wilson, concerns for Clare, and is sorry that Clara isn’t back with her yet to cook.

[8th April] - glad the Royal Geographic Society had paid a debt. Had heard that the lectures brought in £1800 which was more than expected and he hoped there would be some more for him as £400 was too small a share.

Refers to her account that Avie [his sister] was unwell and that she had taken in Molly, Mrs Smart and Drew. Sends his love to her family, the Clutton-Brocks, and the Fletchers.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 27-28 March 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from 'Kalimpong’.

Brief Summary
Split into 2 groups. Plan to beat height record without using oxygen. Training by Finch on use of oxygen. 40 men selected which wasn't enough. Travelled by train up the Teesta Valley. Finch and Crawford left behind to wait for delayed oxygen cylinders. Description of flowers.

Detailed Summary
They had split into two parties with himself in the first group and travelled to Phari following the previous year’s march. General Bruce had wanted to travel all together with 300 animals. Describes Bruce and the management of the advance party moving stores, fixing camps, and he expected to share his opinion about the condition of the snow when the time came. During the expedition they planned that a party of three would try to beat the height record without using oxygen. They had been provisionally selected - Morshead, Norton, and young Bruce.

Finch was insisting on oxygen training and had declared that a man should have a fortnight’s training with the apparatus and that unless he had it he wouldn’t be responsible for anyone’s safety when using it. Thinks two days would be ample training. If this rule held good the three he named were excluded from the possibility of getting to the top with oxygen, because there wouldn’t be a fortnight to spare for training them. He didn’t expect the plan would work out exactly according to intention as he thought General Bruce wouldn’t be rigid on the matter.

There were only 40 porters in the party which was quite inadequate. They were good men selected from 150 Nepalese and among them were 14 who had climbed with him the previous year. He reckoned they would have to make about four journeys to the North Col and two journeys up from there to 25,000 ft which he thought was asking too much. Bruce had been short on time and couldn’t gather more men worth taking or equip them. He planned to save them as much as possible on the journey and possibly gather a few Tibetans.

He was enjoying the venture hugely as it wa the jolliest of parties and everything was well arranged. General Bruce, Wakefield, Strutt, Noel and himself were going down to Siliguri while, ‘young Bruce’ had gone ahead to look after the luggage. He had returned after dinning in the station to find their beds already set up and arranged with mosquito nets which he thought was the proper way to travel, although the net wasn’t very effective and he was bitten and had to use iodine and prophylactic quinine. He hoped to escape fever.

They had travelled up the Teesta Valley to railhead with General Bruce putting his head out of the window most of the time, brimming over with joy and waving his handkerchief at passers-by, and Noel had used his cinema apparatus [film camera]. He describes the heat, and of arranging stores before going up to Teesta Bridge. From there the General walked up about 4,000 ft.

They came round by train to save 300 rupees but the rest preferred to start early that morning motoring out from Darjeeling about 8 miles and then walking. His companions from there would be Bruce, Norton, Longstaff, and Noel. Finch remained behind at Darjeeling with Crawford to bring the oxygen. They would probably be about 10 days behind them which he felt was rather hard luck for them. That night he was sharing a room with Longstaff and he thought they would get on together very nicely.

He would describe his time in Darjeeling, but it would be largely of idleness. He had been walking with Wakefield, Norton, and Somervell but the mountains were not at their best. Describes specific flowers and their glorious colours, but thinks they were not as loveable as English blossoms. Everything seemed to be in waiting for the first rain showers. He did not expect to see as many flowers in Sikkim until they came to the rhododendron zone.

He had ordered Curtis to give her a book which should be useful in identifying wild flowers and thought perhaps she could collect some flowers with Clare.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 26 April 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from ‘Shekkar Dzong’.

Brief Summary
Storm had covered them in dust inside and outside their tents. Describes morning routine. Enjoyed much of the country. Somervell, Norton and Longstaff liked Tibet. Outlines plans for camps at Everest. Delayed so attempted to climb most northerly peak in Gyanka Nampa range. Description of attempt. On return to camp they then had 18 mile march. First view of Everest. Detailed description of a monastery they visited en route.

Detailed Summary
A violent wind had blown fine dust into the tent and everyone and everything was covered with it. Dust was by far the worst of their discomforts at present. This was the second whole day of inactivity but tomorrow they would be marching again and would soon be in the mountain valley where dust wouldn’t blow. Still hadn’t received any mail.

Daily routine - started in crisp sunny air about 7.30am or 8am at the latest. Weather was warmer and the sun very hot until evening. Usually started with a walk for a good stretch, and then joined about six others for tiffin (cheese and biscuits and chocolate). There was an enormous mess tent which preceded them and was waiting at the end of their day’s march providing shelter which he thought was a good arrangement. Strutt’s voice could be heard in each new place cursing.

He enjoyed much of the county on seeing it again. There were only signs of green things though it was spring but the hillsides were often highly coloured with red and orange. Somervell, Norton, and Longstaff also liked Tibet’.

Planned to go to the first base camp made by him and Bullock in the previous year in four days and on the fifth day to take the yaks on as far as they could up the right bank of the Rongbuk glacier. Presumed this would be beyond the comfortable pace of their second base camp, which was ¼ hr below the glacier. This plan would mean an uncomfortable camp but it would ease the marches higher up, so that if their base was near the junction of the East Rongbuk stream with the main glacier three early stages should take them to the North Col. He didn’t think everyone would find them easy. They planned that the first operation from base camp would be to fix the exact positions of two camps between the base and the North Col and determine the best line up the East Rongbuk Glacier – Strutt, Longstaff, Morshead, and Norton would make up a reconnaissance party for that purpose.

Delayed at Gyanka Nampa [mountain range] (two marches before Tinkeye [Tinki]) so he and Somervell planned to climb the most northerly peak of the Gyanka range (20,490 ft). Finch and Wakefield joined them. It was a considerable distance from their camp at Gyanka and more than 7,000 ft above so it was necessary to take light tents about 5 hrs walk up towards the mountain. Somervell made quite a good sketch. They marched for nearly two hours in the dark. He, Finch, Wakefield, and Somervell shared a Whymper tent, lying head to tail across it. He was sleeping in the door and a wind blew in and it was bitterly cold. They left soon after 4am next morning but Finch was mountain sick and couldn’t continue. He and Somervell had a good climb but it got too late so they had to turn back only 500 ft from the summit. Got back very tired and headachey at 1pm and were at Gyanka at 4.30pm. Somervell had more trouble with the wind and felt the height more than he did but he liked him as a climbing companion. He was a thoughtful sensible person and quite perfectly modest, although that wasn’t his first impression when he and Herbert met him on the Matterhorn.

On returning to Gyanka they had to face the unpleasant prospect of an 18 mile march including fording a river and crossing a sandy plain where there were quicksands for the unwary and bad walking on the dunes. It was nearly 5pm before they set out and after 5 miles they had to leave one of the ponies. Then realise they couldn’t reach the ford before dark. He knew the path to the ford. Approaching it they saw some lights, presumably from Tibetan fires. Near the ford they were hailed by a Tibetan who crossed the river to meet them and them and carried him across. A few minutes later they came to the lights and found their own people in a comfortable camp with a hot dinner for them.

Next morning they had a clear view of Everest which was ‘...more wonderful even than I remembered and all the party were delighted by it - which of course appealed to my proprietary feelings’.

He had spent most of that morning in the monastery which fascinated him from an architectural point of view. It had deeply shaded little courts at a hundred different levels and mysterious interiors. Describes monastery in more detail. The temple was ‘even more amazing’ with an alter with half a dozen life-size Buddhas and up in the roof another enormous, gilded Buddha.
He thought that the next time he would write they would be established at the Rongbuk base camp. Still had received no mail and he wanted to hear from her very much. ‘I think of you most when I get to bed at night and summon up your image and want you near me’.

[Postscript] - ‘I don’t think this letter is worth circulating’.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 21 March 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory, from Chevremont Darjeeling.

Brief Summary
Journey across India from Bombay to Calcutta and the Darjeeling. Norton in hospital. Plans to travel onward. Finch and Crawford to stay behind and wait for delayed oxygen cylinders. Looking forward to seeing flowers in Sikkim.

Detailed Summary
Journey across India passed well enough. Describes the heat, dust, dry plains, and that about half the trees were green, either a sombre green or the brightest imaginable sort. There was much that was worth seeing but they were glad to get to Calcutta.

Their baggage weighed 2 ¼ tons plus a lot of personnel in the train and they paid over 600 rupees to Calcutta and 150 more for handling at Bombay. They were met in Calcutta by the A + N Stores agent who did everything for them. The stores and railway fares cost about £200 from Bombay to Darjeeling.

Norton was in hospital in Calcutta with bad piles after riding but it was not necessary to operate. Norton planned to go with them to join Strutt but he hoped that Norton would be persuaded to join them later.

They next travelled in a rail motor which was a much cleaner ride than the train. They got to near Darjeeling quicker than expected and met Bruce coming up the road in a car who made great cheer at seeing them. The country looked very different now to how he had left it being much browner due to the weather being particularly dry which he thought was a good thing for them.

Immense quantities of stores were on their way to or already at Phari. It was possible to save a march to Kalimpong, which was the second stage on the journey the year before, as they were going by a special train, a journey of 5 to 6 hrs to Kalimpong which they could do quite easily in a day.

After Kalimpong they planned to split into two parties. He would be in the first party going to Phari. Then an advance party of about 8 of them (himself, G. Bruce, Strutt, Longstaff, Wakefield, and Noel) would go onwards taking a limited amount of stores with them while the rest would follow gradually behind. Finch was staying with Crawford to bring the oxygen when it arrived [the cylinders hadn't yet reached Calcutta].

He was looking forward to seeing the earlier flowers in Sikkim [he was here about a month earlier in the year then he was in 1921] and details magnolias in full bloom. He compares the expedition leaders Howard-Bury (1921) and the current leader General Bruce and says he read the proofs of Howard-Bury’s chapters coming up from Calcutta which were worse than he had expected. Morshead would also be joining the expedition which he was very glad about [Mallory and Morshead were the only two returning from the 1921 Everest Reconnaissance Expedition].

Realises Ruth may be in Wales and sends his best wishes to the party.

Letter from George to Ruth Mallory, 1 June 1922

Letter to Ruth Mallory

Brief Summary
Most of the party was ill or injured with frostbite. Feeling in the camp was more discontented. He, Finch and Somervell were contemplating a third summit attempt. Thought Finch would annoy him. Opinion on what went wrong with 2nd attempt. Weather was worsening. If they did make a 3rd attempt he would be delayed in coming home.

Detailed Summary

Wishes he could be enjoying the first blush of early summer with her. Has been re-reading her letters and says her time in Wales sounds full of enjoyment and so unlike this. The North Col was a wonderful place for a camp as it was sheltered from the west wind behind great battlements of ice.

He finds a difficulty in writing to her because she will have heard of events that have not yet happened before she receives his story. She will know the results of their final attempt, which they will begin tomorrow or the next day. Despite mixed feelings about another venture it would have been unbearable for him to be left out. Until yesterday morning he felt there was no chance of going up. Longstaff felt they were all ill since they came down and strongly believed the Expedition had done enough and had better shut up shop. Longstaff reported him medically unfit due to his finger and his heart. However, Wakefield had made a careful examination yesterday and pronounced his heart perfectly sound and he trusted his judgement. He did risk getting a worse frostbite by going up again but felt the game was worth a finger and he would take care.

Norton had not been fit since they came down [from 1st summit attempt] and there was no question of his going up again. For Wakefield and Crawford the limit was the North Col and Geoffrey Bruce’s feet would require a month to recover. Only Finch, Somervell, and himself were left. Finch appeared done when he came down in spite of the liberal use of oxygen, but was fit enough. He was afraid Finch would get on his nerves a lot before they were done, but hoped they would manage the climb without serious friction [anticipating 3rd attempt in 1922].

The weather was getting steadily worse which would settle the affair. It seemed much windier than last year. He feared getting caught on the ridge in a bad gale. Finch and Bruce had made a strong effort on the last day but in some ways managed very badly. Assessing the 2nd summit attempt he felt it was an initial mistake to go to a fresh camp at 25,500 ft instead of moving to the one they had established and they had put it on the wrong side of the ridge exposed to the wind. By some mismanagement there was a shortage of supplies both at the North Col and 25,500 ft. Porters were sent up from the North Col at 4 pm and they did well to get back there at 11 pm. The idea of porters wondering about up there in the dark with none of us to look after them filled him with horror. The story of the Gurkha orderly was pretty bad too. The plan was to take him on from 25,500 ft carrying 6 cylinders of oxygen for 1,000 ft of 1,500 ft by which time it was supposed he would be exhausted. He was to then sent down by himself drinking oxygen from one cylinder. Finch seemed to have a different standard of caring for the porters than him. He was determined they would run no risks with their lives during the next venture.

The new attempt would impact plan for his return journey. Strutt, Longstaff, and Morshead would be going back to Darjeeling as soon as animals arrive, in 4 or 5 days. Norton and General Bruce would be going over to Kharta at the same time (he was to have gone with them). The main body would follow to Kharta after they had finished with the mountain. He would aim at catching the Treista boat from Bombay on 1 August but she wasn’t to count on that.

[Continues later] - He had escaped from the camp to write the letter. In the past 3 or 4 days it had seemed to be a less serene, rather a discontented place. Morshead suffered from his fingers continually and he [Mallory] feared he would lose the first joint of six of them. He bore it well but was not a cheerful figure. Norton was even more depressed. Strutt was more than usually full of curses. Crawford and Wakefield who were last down from the mountain were not very pleased with the prospect of going up again so soon. Longstaff was far from well with indigestion and sleeplessness and was at present in one of his moods of bustling activity, when he became tiresome, interfering, and self-important. The General, who had been tied to camp almost the whole time by a sore foot, showed a better temper than anyone. Bruce and Strutt both hated the wind and they had had no more than one windless hour.